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Where the Story Begins: Confronting the Truth Just over three weeks ago, I announced that the first draft of Zachary’s Cry was complete. Since then, I’ve immersed myself in the editing process. I am refining each chapter, tightening the story, and ensuring every voice rings true. This journey has been rewarding, yet sometimes confronting. The legal, medical, and emotional threads of Zachary’s life need to come together appropriately. The Emotional Start of the Story One common question I receive is: Where does the story begin? The answer lies right where it hurts. The novel opens in rural South Australia, specifically in a locked farmhouse bathroom. Here, a frightened young woman faces a hidden pregnancy. The life of a baby hangs in the balance. This scene is confronting but marks the beginning of a journey through courage, compassion, and ultimately, hard-won justice. An Excerpt from Chapter One To give you a taste of this journey, here is a short excerpt from the opening chapter: Chapter 1 – The Storm “Her thoughts darkened, as they seemed to do more frequently these days. The joy of returning to the farm was tempered by the heavy secret she carried. Elaine had been shocked when Alice confided that she was pregnant, though Alice had been careful to reveal only so much. She had admitted it was unplanned, the result of a mistake she wanted to forget. But she hadn’t spoken of Victor, nor of that night in February. That story was too raw, too shameful, to share with anyone — even Elaine.” The Process of Editing Editing is not just about correcting spelling and grammar. It’s about making sure the narrative flows well and resonates with readers. Each chapter received careful scrutiny. I looked for ways to enhance the emotional depth and clarity of the characters' experiences. My goal was to ensure that readers could fully engage with the story, connecting with the characters on a deeper level. Through this process, I discovered new angles to explore. The editing process allowed me to weave in more emotional threads while maintaining the core essence of the narrative. It's a delicate balance to strike. The Importance of Feedback Throughout this journey, I have sought feedback from trusted readers, fellow writers, as well as ChatGPT . The insights from these sources have proven invaluable. They offered fresh perspectives that highlighted areas in need of further development. Some suggested character traits that could be expanded, and others pointed out plot inconsistencies I hadn’t noticed. Engaging with a community of writers and readers can be incredibly beneficial. Their constructive criticism has motivated me to push the story further, making it more impactful than I could ever have done by myself. The Anticipation of Release The full book is on track for release in late June. As we approach that date, I’ll continue to share updates. If you’ve ever wondered what drives someone to hide the truth, or what occurs when the system fails the most vulnerable, Zachary’s Cry will take you there. It will challenge you, and hopefully, leave you changed. Reflections on the Writing Journey This writing journey has been just that—a journey. I've learned so much about storytelling, myself, and the power of the written word. Writing Zachary’s Cry has forced me to confront uncomfortable truths and reflect on the societal issues we often overlook. May this serve as a reminder of the importance of stories. They have the potential to shine a light on truths that are often concealed. As readers, we must remain open to those narratives and the lessons they impart. Final Thoughts I invite you to stay tuned for more insights as we get closer to the book’s release. This journey has only just begun, and I cannot wait to share it with all of you. Image of a distressed young woman in a dim, locked bathroom.

Tendai Mbofana shows us the sign of true courage and moral fortitude Like many of my generation (I was born in 1955), I occasionally put pen to paper in an attempt to better inform the world of the scale and depth of the tragedy that has befallen Zimbabwe since 1980. However, my writings have always been from the comparative safety and comfort of Australia, following my migration from a crumbling Zimbabwe in March 1990. My views were also shaped by my experiences as a "white" Rhodesian male, living through Rhodesia’s so-called "halcyon days" — first as a self-governing colony of Britain, and then, from November 1965, as a unilaterally declared independent country, free of British rule until 1980, when it re-entered the international community as the legally recognised nation of Zimbabwe. Whatever your personal political views of that period may be, if you were a black Zimbabwean living in the country today, there is little doubt that your public views would be highly sanitised, for fear of upsetting the ruling ZANU-PF regime. Not so if your name happens to be Tendai Ruben Mbofana . Tendai is a social justice advocate currently residing in Zimbabwe’s Midlands province. I was recently sent this blog written by him — and while it is quite lengthy, it is a real eye-opener. It is written with insight, courage, and intellect. No doubt it will offend the current political leadership in Zimbabwe — yet it has been penned without fear or favour. It is well worth a read. You can find it here: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/2025/04/24/mnangagwa-regime-making-blacks-look-bad-in-the-eyes-of-the-world/ Giant pothole in one of Zimbabwe's major transport corridors

It’s a strange and wonderful feeling to write these words — the first full draft of my new novel Zachary’s Cry is complete . This story has lived with me for a long time. It's not just in notebooks or scattered across draft files on my PC. It has been present in quiet moments of reflection, in conversations, and even in flashes of inspiration. These moments have often occurred while driving through the golden canola fields or standing beside a wind-whipped coastline on South Australia's Yorke Peninsula. Those familiar landscapes, with their raw beauty and understated strength, have shaped the emotional tone and physical setting of this novel in powerful ways. The Heart of the Story At its heart, Zachary’s Cry  is a story of human tragedy and resilience. It grapples with the difficulties of practicing safe medicine in rural Australia and the ripple effects when something goes terribly wrong. This complex narrative also introduces quiet heroes: a foster mother who refuses to give up , an overseas trained doctor caught between his instincts and what is legal , and a family fractured by pain yet still hoping for redemption . There are legal manoeuvres, ethical dilemmas, and emotional reckonings. But more than that, there is love. It’s not always easy or tidy. However, it is enduring. Perhaps most importantly, Zachary’s Cry is about a little boy who cannot speak for himself. Yet, he still manages to touch every life he encounters. The Journey of Writing Finishing this first draft is a major milestone. It brings relief, satisfaction, and no small sense of humility. However, there is still a long road ahead. Revisions, edits, cover design, and the careful crafting of the manuscript remain. The goal is to create something truly worthy of publication. This process is both exciting and daunting. Each revision must strengthen the story and refine the characters. I am eager to ensure that Zachary’s Cry resonates with readers. The story holds deep personal significance for me, and I want to share it with the world. Taking a Moment to Reflect For today, I’m simply allowing myself to pause, take a breath, and acknowledge how far this story has come. It's essential to take a moment amidst the hustle of writing and editing. Reflecting on the journey not only brings joy but also motivates me for the work still ahead. To those who have been following my writing journey — thank you. Your encouragement has meant more than you know. It fuels my passion and determination to see this project through to the end. What’s Next? I look forward to sharing more about Zachary’s Cry  in the weeks ahead. There will be updates on the manuscript's progress, insights into the characters, and glimpses into the writing process. If you’d like to stay informed about my journey, please consider subscribing to my blog. You can find the Subscribe Form at the bottom of the Blog’s landing page. Brand SA logo encompassing image of Yorke Peninsula coastline In conclusion, Zachary’s Cry is more than just a narrative. It's a reflection of human experiences, struggles, and the enduring nature of love and hope. As I continue this journey, I invite you to join me in exploring the depths of this story.

Zimbabwe in 2050 Over the next 26 years, Zimbabwe's trajectory will be influenced by internal governance, socio-economic reforms, regional dynamics, and external powers such as China, Russia, and Western nations. The interplay of these factors will likely lead to distinct scenarios, shaping the nation's future in profoundly different ways. Optimistic Outlook for 2050 In this scenario, Zimbabwe will achieve significant progress through political reform, economic diversification, and sustainable development: Governance and Politics:  Democratic reforms dismantle authoritarian tendencies. Younger, reformist leaders emerge, fostering accountability and addressing corruption. Free and fair elections strengthen public trust. Economic Growth:  Zimbabwe becomes a regional agricultural hub, leveraging technology, fair land reforms, and investment. Mining thrives, particularly in critical minerals like lithium and platinum, as Zimbabwe balances resource extraction with environmental sustainability. Tourism flourishes, and digital innovation creates new industries. Infrastructure and Services:  Urban planning improves, resulting in smart, sustainable cities with robust housing, transportation, and energy systems. Renewables like solar and hydropower meet domestic energy demands, positioning Zimbabwe as an energy exporter. Health and education systems reach global standards, driving social mobility and equality. Geopolitical Role:  Zimbabwe becomes a regional leader in SADC, benefiting from enhanced trade and strategic partnerships. Active participation in global climate initiatives boosts resilience to environmental challenges. Social Trends:  A skilled, healthy, and empowered population drives growth. Inequality narrows, and youth unemployment declines as education aligns with job market needs. Pessimistic Outlook for 2050 In this scenario, entrenched challenges will remain unresolved, resulting in stagnation or decline: Governance and Politics:  ZANU-PF or similar structures maintain dominance, with governance characterised by corruption and authoritarianism. Public dissent is suppressed, leading to cycles of unrest. Economic Decline:  Mismanagement perpetuates hyperinflation, debt, and economic isolation. Agriculture and mining falter due to inadequate reforms and exploitation by foreign entities. Food insecurity and poverty deepen. Infrastructure Collapse:  Rapid urbanisation overwhelms infrastructure, creating overcrowded cities with insufficient services. Power shortages, poor sanitation, and decaying public facilities worsen. Geopolitical Marginalisation:  Zimbabwe remains a peripheral player in regional and global politics, failing to leverage opportunities for trade or climate action. Social Unrest:  Rising inequality and lack of opportunities drive emigration of skilled workers, leaving behind an economically weakened population. Most Likely Outlook for 2050 Zimbabwe's future is likely to fall between these extremes, with mixed progress: Governance and Politics:  Semi-authoritarian governance persists, with occasional reformist efforts. Progress is slow and uneven, with governance reforms frequently undermined by entrenched interests. Economic Growth with Constraints:  Modest recovery occurs in agriculture and mining, but structural issues and governance constraints hinder full potential. Informal employment remains widespread, though digital entrepreneurship grows. Infrastructure and Urbanisation:  Urban areas see selective improvements driven by foreign investment, while rural regions face neglect. Renewable energy adoption increases but is insufficient to meet growing demands. Geopolitical Role:  Zimbabwe becomes a functional SADC member without achieving full leadership. It engages in regional trade but lacks a decisive voice in international affairs. Social Trends:  Education and healthcare improve but remain unevenly distributed. A growing middle class emerges, but inequality persists, and youth unemployment remains a challenge. The Role of External Powers External actors like China, Russia, and the West will significantly influence Zimbabwe's development: China: Economic dominance in mining, energy, and infrastructure through its Belt and Road Initiative. Political support for the ruling elite, reinforcing semi-authoritarian systems. Risk of resource dependency if Zimbabwe fails to negotiate equitable terms. Russia: Continued investment in defence and mining, particularly in platinum and other critical minerals. Potential to deepen authoritarian structures through arms and security partnerships. Western Powers and the EU: Potential re-engagement with Zimbabwe if governance reforms occur. Conditional trade and aid agreements aimed at fostering political accountability and sustainable development. Regional Players: South Africa remains critical in trade and migration issues. SADC and neighbouring countries may exert pressure for political and economic stability. Emerging Powers: India, the UAE, and Middle Eastern countries could expand their roles, particularly in technology, renewable energy, and tourism. Key Challenges and Opportunities Climate Change:  Zimbabwe faces increasing droughts and floods, threatening agriculture and water resources. Investment in climate resilience and sustainable farming practices will be essential. Youth and Brain Drain:  Harnessing the potential of Zimbabwe’s youthful population is crucial. Reversing the brain drain through education and job creation could transform the economy. Resource Management:  Transparent governance in mining and agriculture could unlock economic potential while avoiding exploitation. Conclusion Zimbabwe’s future in 2050 will depend on how well it addresses governance issues, leverages its natural and human resources, and balances relationships with external powers. A balanced approach fostering reform, investment, and sustainability offers the best path to prosperity.

ZANU-PF, the current ruling party in Zimbabwe, will stay in power “ until donkeys grow horns .” This statement was recently made by the commander of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), Lieutenant General Anselem Sanyatwe. The Lieutenant General added that people “ would be marched ” to voting stations to cast ballots “ whether they liked it or not.”  He claimed to be speaking as the commander of the army and stated that the army would implement “ command voting ” policies. The arrogance and stupidity of the Lieutenant General are simply breathtaking. However, I suppose we should give him some leeway. After all, ever since ZANU-PF came to power in 1980, the army has been used as a wing of the corrupt ZANU-PF party. Additionally, tribal and racial discrimination within the ZNA have been rampant. The politicisation of the army began when the nascent ZNA was first formed shortly after independence in April 1980. This was accompanied by blatant tribalisation and discrimination. The net result was the rapid advancement of former ZANLA officers of Shona ethnicity, while ZIPRA officers of Ndebele ethnicity were invariably overlooked. The notorious red-bereted North Korean-trained 5th Brigade, which reported directly to Robert Mugabe, was comprised almost exclusively of Shona officers and troops. Between 1983 and 1986, Mugabe used it as a very blunt instrument to wreak death and havoc among Ndebeles living in Matabeleland and to weaken ZAPU as an effective opposition party. Buoyed by these political and military successes, and with little or no public outcry from major global powers, from 1986 Mugabe and his inner circle decided to use the prevailing climate within Zimbabwe to forever crush ZAPU as a political or military threat. This paved the way for Mugabe to achieve his ultimate political objective of establishing a one-party state in the country with him at the helm. The political and military narrative of Zimbabwe has continued in this vein since the mid-1980s. As evidenced by Lieutenant General Sanyatwe's recent comments, the narrative, some forty years later, remains much the same. But ZANU-PF is gravely mistaken if it believes it can continue in this manner much longer. The leadership of ZANU-PF only needs to look at its southern neighbour to see what happens when the governing party takes the electorate for granted. It also needs to understand that the average Zimbabwean voter is far more politically astute than they were forty years ago, and that the advent of social media means that the government no longer controls the airwaves nor the public narrative. By the way, the sequel to The Unravelling should be available in a couple of months time. It is called A Moment of Madness  and is set in Zimbabwe in the period 1980 to 1986. If you would like to be automatically notified when it is available, please subscribe to my blog page by clicking here . Lieutenant General Anselem Sanyatwe

Greetings, fellow Zims, Rhodies, and Shamwaris, In today’s edition (8th September 2024) of Adelaide’s Sunday Mail, an article titled “ Xi Has a New Plan to Rule Africa ” caught my attention. The opening paragraphs read: “ President Xi Jinping has committed Aus$75 billion to woo African nations into his Global South alliance to challenge the United States and the West. At his summit that ended in Beijing yesterday, he announced new funding for African nations following backlash against his previous Belt and Road initiative loans. African leaders also signed up for a series of soft power initiatives, from journalism training to joint military exercises, to promote China’s political and economic model as an alternative to democracy .” For those of us who have followed developments in Zimbabwe over the past fifty years, this is hardly surprising. China’s interest in Zimbabwe has always been driven by self-interest rather than genuine concern for Zimbabwe’s citizens. In the 1970s and 1980s, China, led first by Mao Zedong and then by Deng Xiaoping, shaped its strategic ambitions in southern Africa through long-term planning. At that time, China was emerging as a global power, focusing on leveraging its economic influence to shape the internal policies of selected southern African countries, including Zimbabwe. Through strategic trade and economic engagements, China sought to establish a foothold and influence domestic affairs in various African nations. This included providing credit facilities to financially overextended African nations, ensuring their economic dependence on China. In contrast, Russia, a Cold War superpower, was deeply involved in espionage and sabotage against the West. In southern Africa, Russia’s approach was more focused on direct military support to liberation movements, assuming that military might would prevail against the conventional armies of the colonising nations. However, it struggled to adapt its classical warfare tactics to the guerrilla warfare strategies employed by these liberation movements. Interestingly, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, China played a significant role in advising ZANU/ZANLA to adopt Maoist principles. They encouraged the prioritisation of indoctrinating local rural populations before engaging militarily with the Rhodesian Security Forces. This was part of China’s broader strategy to influence revolutionary movements across Africa during that time. Before 1980, Rhodesia had aligned itself with Western powers, particularly the UK and the United States. However, post-independence, under Mugabe's leadership, Zimbabwe rapidly shifted its alignment towards the Eastern bloc. This shift helps to explain the significant changes in Zimbabwe’s economic, political, and social trajectory over the past 20 to 30 years. One wonders what global changes the next 50 years may bring. Predicting this from a Western perspective is practically impossible. However, from an Eastern perspective, it may be easier. This is because, while the West seems to be tossed thither and hither by the vagaries of public opinion, China’s approach seems more deliberate and long-sighted. In fact, reflecting on this, I am reminded of a quote from Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland : “ If you don’t know where you are going, any road will get you there .” Perhaps it is time for our Western leaders to figure out where we are going!

In my recent research journey delving into the sequel to "The Unravelling," I stumbled upon a name that piqued my curiosity – Perrance Shiri. His name, strikingly unique, led me down a path of discovery about a notorious figure whose roots are intertwined intimately with the political dynasty of Zimbabwe. Notably, he was a distant relative of Robert Mugabe, a familial tie that likely contributed to the implicit trust Mugabe vested in him. This relationship sheds light on Shiri's rapid ascent through the ranks, as Mugabe often relied on him for strategic counsel and execution. Born in 1955 as Bigboy Samson Chikerema, he emerged as a prominent figure during the Rhodesian Bush War, serving as a field commander with ZANLA, a guerrilla force aligned with Robert Mugabe's faction. His role extended to senior military instruction at the ZANLA/ZIPRA training camp in Morogoro, Tanzania. The turning point in Shiri's legacy came in 1983, after the country's independence in 1980, when Mugabe appointed him as the inaugural commander of the infamous Fifth Brigade. This brigade, a product of a covert agreement between Mugabe and North Korean leader Kim Il Sung, was designed not for conventional warfare but as a tool for suppressing political dissent. Shiri's leadership marked the beginning of a dark chapter known as the Gukurahundi campaign, a brutal crackdown on perceived dissidents, particularly targeting the Ndebele population. The campaign, veiled in euphemism and 'spin', resulted in the loss of thousands of lives and has been characterized as genocide. Shiri's tenure as commander of the Fifth Brigade earned him a reputation for ruthless brutality, earning him the moniker "Black Jesus" for his perceived authority over life and death. Despite the atrocities committed under his command, including multiple allegations of murder, rape and torture, Shiri's career trajectory continued, shifting to the role of commander of the Air Force of Zimbabwe and later overseeing Zimbabwean troops during the Second Congo War. His involvement in orchestrating farm invasions, military assaults against illegal diamond miners in the east of Zimbabwe, and alleged participation in coup plots further cemented his controversial legacy. Despite his proximity to Mugabe and the trust bestowed upon him, Shiri's ambitions transcended mere loyalty. This became apparent in 2017 when he played a pivotal role in the Zimbabwean coup d'état that ousted Mugabe from power. In the twilight of his career, Shiri assumed the role of Minister of Agriculture under President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Yet, his journey came to an unexpected end with his passing on July 29, 2020, succumbing to complications from COVID-19. In summary, Perrance Shiri's life encapsulates the complexities of Zimbabwean history – from guerrilla warfare to political manoeuvring, from brutal repression to moments of transformation. His story, though fraught with controversy, remains an integral part of understanding the nation's turbulent past and uncertain future.

President Mnangagwa's legacy Greetings, fellow Zims, Rhodies, and Shamwaris, I recently came across an insightful article by Tafi Mhaka, a columnist with Al Jazeera . In the article, Mhaka highlights a significant shift occurring across Africa, noting:- " Young Africans from Kenya to Nigeria and from Uganda to Zimbabwe are taking a stand against corruption and inequality, demanding greater accountability from their leaders and advocating for inclusive, responsive, and transparent governance. They seek the advancement and protection of human rights and civil liberties, along with equitable access to decent employment, housing, and financial stability. " Mhaka’s article reflects the growing clamour across large parts of the continent for genuine democracy and improved governance. He observes that the current climate in sub-Saharan Africa is reminiscent of the Arab Spring  over a decade ago, when calls for democratic reforms and better governance spread from Tunisia across the Middle East, sparking significant protests and a regional democratic awakening. While Mhaka’s article might seem alarmist and sensational, it details numerous instances of poor governance and dire living conditions in many sub-Saharan countries. Zimbabwe is notably mentioned, including the recent arrest of opposition leader Jameson Timba and 78 other activists for holding an unauthorised political gathering. Mhaka also criticises President Emerson Mnangagwa's recent authoritarian warning against any form of "mischief" as Harare prepares to host the 44th Southern African Development Community ( SADC ) Heads of State and Government summit on August 17th. As President Mnangagwa prepares to assume the SADC chairmanship for the next year, it is understandable that he would want to showcase Zimbabwe’s progress under his leadership since November 2017. However, his efforts to obscure the deep-seated issues within the country by constructing a few highways and staging a superficial attempt to address the Gukurahundi   massacres of the early 1980s are unlikely to deceive discerning Zimbabweans or delegates to the SADC summit. That said, building highways and attempting to bring meaningful closure to the victims of the 5th Brigade killings in Matabeleland are worthwhile objectives. However, if President Mnangagwa believes these conveniently timed initiatives will positively recast his political legacy, he is sorely mistaken. If the President genuinely aspires to leave a meaningful legacy, he must address three critical areas: eradicating corruption and nepotism, upholding the rule of law at all levels, and allowing democratic principles to operate freely in Zimbabwe, without intimidation, arbitrary arrest, or detention. Yet, such changes are unlikely. Implementing them would threaten the current power structures, expose many in the ruling class to criminal investigation and potential imprisonment, and disrupt the lucrative and unmerited positions held by many of the ruling elite.

Greetings fellow Zims, Rhodies & Shamwaris I have recently finished reading John Padbury’s fascinating book titled The Battle for Hurungwe . Toward the end of the book, I was captivated by the following quote attributed to a lady called Barbara Abrahams:- “ When people can no longer call a land their own, when they are displaced from the place of their ancestors, and when they lose control of their destiny, they lose a part of their soul. Once the fragile link between people, their land and their ancestry is broken, they become a shadow roaming a land they no longer understand, beset by cultural conflicts and torn between material wealth and loyalty to tradition .” The drama and pain in these words are compelling. While I believe the writer was referring to the trauma felt by many white Zimbabweans who chose to leave the country around the time of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, her words are no doubt equally true, first  for the many Ndebele people who were politically disempowered and displaced during Robert Mugabe’s Gukurahundi campaign from 1982 to 1986, and second  for a far larger number of people of all tribes and colours who were forced to leave the country of their birth as a result of the gross mismanagement of the country’s economy and natural resources by the corrupt ZANU-PF government from the late 1980s. Collectively, all these people are today referred to as Zimbabwe’s diaspora. We all know persons who fall into this category. Some of us no doubt also know, either directly or indirectly, of the pain and sense of loss experienced by many of these ' scatterlings '. But that is not to say that these displaced folk no longer play an important part in Zimbabwe’s cultural and economic fabric. Nothing could be further from the truth. The economic contribution made by Zimbabwe’s diaspora is significant. According to the website of Zimbabwe’s embassy to the USA, in 2022, remittances by Zimbabwe’s diaspora amounted to US$1.66 billion, or 14% of the country’s total foreign earnings of US$11.57 billion that year. The tragedy, of course, is how much greater that contribution could have been if conditions in Zimbabwe had not forced so many people to live outside their home country. Promisingly, there are some small green shoots appearing in Zimbabwe which are encouraging some of the diaspora to consider returning to the country of their birth. We can only hope that these slender shoots will grow and flourish, thereby encouraging more displaced people to return to the country of their first love.

During the colonial years of Rhodesia, the population was neatly packaged into clearly defined primary groups: whites, blacks, and coloureds. Various secondary groupings also existed, typically based on tribal affiliation, country of birth, or religion. For no particular reason—apologies to Forrest Gump—I was recently reflecting on the incredibly colourful language and humour used by the coloured community. Two stories come to mind, but before I share these, for readers who may not be familiar with Rhodesian customs of that time, the term "coloured" was used to define anyone of mixed race. Yes, it was a very blunt definition, but from the 1950s to 1970s, little attempt was made to avoid offending anyone. If you happened to be different from any particular stereotype, you were going to be ridiculed. That was just the way it was! Anyway, back to the stories. There was an occasion during my time of national service when I was in charge of a military convoy traveling from the Chimanimani area back to Umtali (now Mutare). The convoy must have consisted of about a dozen vehicles of various shapes and sizes. I was in the second vehicle. We were in a particularly hazardous part of the journey when I received a radio message from the coloured driver of a vehicle near the rear of the column. I recall that he was a corporal. He requested me to halt the convoy. Annoyed at his stupidity, I asked him why. He replied that he needed to "put some sky in his rounds." I had no idea what he meant and asked him to explain. He then proceeded to tell me that one of the tyres on his vehicle was flat, and he needed to pump it up! Another story, which may have been more mythical than truthful, concerned the unit known as Guard Force. You will recall that many coloured personnel found their way into Guard Force. Now, before I continue with the story, I need to remind readers of a Canadian band that was popular in the mid-1970s called Bachman-Turner Overdrive. One of their hits was a song called "You Ain’t Seen Nothing Yet." Back to the story. Apparently, a chain of OPs (observation posts) had been set up in a particular part of the country. Part of the daily routine was for the commander to radio the various OPs towards the end of the day to get a sitrep (situation report). The standard response was “nothing to report.” However, the accepted radio protocol was to use the initials of the three words but say them using the NATO phonetic alphabet. So, the standard response was “November Tango Romeo.” On one particular day, one of the OPs was being manned by a Guard Force unit. When the leader of the unit gave his report, he said, “Bravo Tango Oscar.” Confused, the commander asked for clarification. Back came the response, “Bachman-Turner Overdrive.” Still confused, the commander asked for further clarification, to which came the response, “Ain’t seen nothing yet!” There are, of course, many stories of their colourful language and slang terms. How about sharing some of your own?

Robert Mugabe’s 37-year rule over Zimbabwe was marred by a litany of despicable acts, two of the worst being the Gukurahundi massacre of innocent Ndebele citizens in the south of the country (1983 to 1986), and the illegal and brutal seizure of private commercial farms (2000 to 2008). In February 2024, I covered the Gukurahundi massacres in my blogs, so I won't repeat that material here. However, a recent article in the British Times on March 18th, 2024, reminded me of the farm seizures debacle. According to the article, Ben Freeth has recently completed a 2,000-kilometre trek on horseback from Harare, Zimbabwe to Windhoek, Namibia, to deliver a letter to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) bloc. The letter demands that the SADC bloc uphold the 2008 decision of the SADC tribunal, which found that Mugabe’s land reform program was racially motivated and illegal. Freeth is intimately familiar with Zimbabwe’s state-sponsored violence. In 2008, he, along with his parents-in-laws, Mike and Angela Campbell, were tied up on their farm by war veterans acting on behalf of former President Robert Mugabe. They were driven into the bush, beaten, and tortured. Freeth, who had built a house on his in-laws’ land and helped run one of the most successful mango exporting farms in the country, suffered a fractured skull as a result. The abduction and torture occurred just before the SADC Tribunal was due to hear a case brought by Mike Campbell, later joined by 77 other applicants, against the Republic of Zimbabwe. The case challenged the harassment, forced eviction of farmers, and seizure of farms instituted by Mugabe in 2000. In its unanimous decision on November 28th 2008, the Tribunal ordered Mugabe’s government to protect “possession, occupation, and ownership” of all the applicants’ farms, except for two who had already been forcibly evicted. The state was also ordered to pay compensation to the owners of the farms which had been illegally seized. Mugabe blatantly ignored the Tribunal’s ruling. Freeth, his family, including his children, and the Campbells, subsequently faced increasing harassment and threats as they continued to run their farm until their homes, and those of their farm workers, were burnt down by war veterans eight months later. Freeth’s home was burnt down on August 30th, 2009, with the Campbell’s home suffering the same fate two days later. The 2011 SADC Summit effectively disbanded the Tribunal by deciding not to reappoint the judges whose term of office was ending in 2010, nor replace those whose term of office would end in 2011. In August 2014, Mugabe, along with other heads of state, including former South African President Jacob Zuma, signed a new protocol limiting the Tribunal to only dealing with disputes between SADC states. SADC citizens were specifically prevented from accessing it to deal with human rights violations, such as those that had occurred in Zimbabwe. Mugabe’s refusal to abide by the Tribunal’s ruling, with Jacob Zuma as a willing ally, and Mugabe’s subsequent successful campaign to suspend the Tribunal at the SADC Summit in 2011, has led Freeth to embark on the nearly 2,000 kilometre journey to Windhoek, where the SADC Secretariat sits. In seeking to compel SADC to fully reinstate the powers of the Tribunal, Freeth says his journey is about seeking justice, and about protecting SADC’s 400 million southern African citizens, and their property. He is appalled by the fact that many African leaders believe and act as though they are above the law, and states that the Tribunal should have been a check on that. The tribunal’s first president had called it “a house of justice for Africa” that would set a standard for the rest of the continent. However, the Tribunal's subsequent reconfiguration means that it is no longer empowered to hear complaints by individual citizens about human rights violations by their governments. Freeth doubts that his letter to SADC authorities calling for the reinstatement of the Tribunal’s original powers will have much of an impact beyond the symbolic gesture of hand-delivering a letter after 65 gruelling days traveling by horseback, in high summer and drought. It should be noted that of the 4,500 white commercial farmers who were on their land in 2000 when Mugabe deployed his “war veterans” on his ill-advised ‘land reform policy’, only a handful are still on their premises. Moreover most of the farms that were seized were not given to the dispossessed, as Mugabe promised, but to his cronies. Many of the farms have subsequently been left lying fallow or have been poorly run, meaning that Zimbabwe, which was once the ‘bread basket of Africa’, can no longer feed her own people with about half of its 15 million people now in need of food aid. The illegal seizure of farms was not only devastating, and in some cases fatal, for the farm owners, their employees, and their extended families, but also created a tsunami of economic woe for the country that continues to this day. It also solidified a total breakdown in the rule of law and independence of the judiciary, leaving Zimbabwe’s governance structures in tatters. As former British Prime Minister David Cameron once said, “A country without a strong independent judiciary is a dictatorship waiting to happen.” In levelling this criticism against ZANU-PF, I am not absolving the prior white minority governments of Rhodesia of criticism. As we know, in 20th century white-ruled Rhodesia, many thousands of rural tribespeople were forcibly removed from their ancestral lands with little or no compensation. The governments of the day attempted to vacuously justify these ventures on utilitarian grounds - that is to make way for large scale hydro-electric, irrigation and other agricultural ventures, totally ignoring the fact that the primary beneficiaries of these ventures were the captains of industries which, at that time, were all in white hands. Moreover, as my mother would say, two evils a virtue doth not make!! If you would like to automatically receive notifications of new blogs, if you have not yet done so please subscribe by completing the subscribe form on my website – click here. Route followed by Ben Freeth

Amidst the myriad of challenges facing Zimbabwe, a tale of inspiration emerges from the life of John Randal Bradburne, a figure potentially on the path to becoming Zimbabwe’s first locally recognised saint. John Bradburne, born in the UK in 1921, arrived relatively late to the land of Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe. Educated at Gresham’s private school in Holt, Norfolk (incidentally, also attended by my younger brother, Peter, for a few years), Bradburne’s life was profoundly influenced by his strong Catholic faith. During World War II, Bradburne volunteered for the Indian Army, serving with the 9th Gurka Rifles in British Malaya. After the fall of Singapore in 1942, he spent a month hiding in the jungle before trying to sail to Sumatra. He was shipwrecked on the first attempt but was successful on the second and was eventually rescued by a Royal Navy destroyer. His post-war years in England were marked by a deepening commitment to his Catholic beliefs and, in 1956, he joined the Secular Franciscan Order, remaining a layman. In the late 1960s, Bradburne accepted an invitation to come to Rhodesia as a missionary helper. There, in 1969, he founded the Mutemwa Leprosy Settlement near Mutoko, a community of leprosy patients abandoned by others. Despite being expelled from the colony due to a dispute with the Leprosy Association, Bradburne continued to minister to the lepers, residing in a tin hut just outside the perimeter fence for the last six years of his life. As the Rhodesian Bush War was reaching its climax in July 1979, friends urged Bradburne to return to England. However, he chose to remain with the lepers. Accused by local informers, or mujibhas, of being a spy for the Rhodesian Security Forces, he was handed over to ZANLA guerrillas, who convened a kangaroo court to try him. Surprisingly, at the trial he was found not guilty due to the advocacy of the lepers and was offered refuge by the ZANLA guerrillas in Mozambique. He refused and instead asked to be returned to the Mutemwa Leprosy Mission. On his return trip to the Leprosy Mission, he was re-apprehended by the mujibhas and two other ZANLA guerrillas, who ultimately shot and killed him on 5th September 1979. Bradburne's legacy extends beyond his humanitarian work. A prolific poet, he left behind a staggering 6,000 poems, earning a place in the Guinness World Records for the most prolific poet in English in terms of lines of poetry. His output was almost double that of William Shakespeare!! In July 2001, a petition for Bradburne's canonisation was presented to Archbishop Patrick Fani Chakaipa of Harare. The canonisation process is long and robust. Many years later, on 1st July 2019, Bradburne's cause for beatification was formally recognised by the Congregation for the Causes of Saints in Rome, marking the completion of the initial stages of the canonisation process. The subsequent stages of beatification and canonisation require evidence of miracles. In Bradburne's case, several extraordinary events have been reported which should help his cause for beatification being successfully completed. Firstly, eyewitnesses to his slain body have described his body being surrounded by beams of light, protected by a large white bird, and being chorused to by an invisible choir. Secondly, at his funeral which took place at the Cathedral in Salisbury five days after his death, his coffin was adorned with three white flowers, symbolising John’s profound belief in the triune Holy Trinity. During the funeral, three drops of fresh and bright blood, were observed to have fallen from the coffin to form a pool of blood on the floor. The blood was examined and found to be fresh and so could not have come from a corpse which was 5 days old. After the funeral, the coffin and body were returned to the mortuary and examined. No sign of blood on the coffin or on the body could be found. These purported miracles should help progress John’s cause to successful beatification and canonisation. Annual memorial services at Mutemwa attract up to 25,000 people, reflecting the enduring reverence for Bradburne. Special ceremonies marking the 30th and 40th anniversaries of his death were held in London and Mutemwa, respectively, further strengthening the movement to seek his beatification. In the midst of Zimbabwe's challenges, the story of John Randal Bradburne shines as a beacon of hope and inspiration, reminding us of the power of faith and selfless service.