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Greetings, fellow Zims, Rhodies, and Shamwaris, In today’s edition (8th September 2024) of Adelaide’s Sunday Mail, an article titled “ Xi Has a New Plan to Rule Africa ” caught my attention. The opening paragraphs read: “ President Xi Jinping has committed Aus$75 billion to woo African nations into his Global South alliance to challenge the United States and the West. At his summit that ended in Beijing yesterday, he announced new funding for African nations following backlash against his previous Belt and Road initiative loans. African leaders also signed up for a series of soft power initiatives, from journalism training to joint military exercises, to promote China’s political and economic model as an alternative to democracy .” For those of us who have followed developments in Zimbabwe over the past fifty years, this is hardly surprising. China’s interest in Zimbabwe has always been driven by self-interest rather than genuine concern for Zimbabwe’s citizens. In the 1970s and 1980s, China, led first by Mao Zedong and then by Deng Xiaoping, shaped its strategic ambitions in southern Africa through long-term planning. At that time, China was emerging as a global power, focusing on leveraging its economic influence to shape the internal policies of selected southern African countries, including Zimbabwe. Through strategic trade and economic engagements, China sought to establish a foothold and influence domestic affairs in various African nations. This included providing credit facilities to financially overextended African nations, ensuring their economic dependence on China. In contrast, Russia, a Cold War superpower, was deeply involved in espionage and sabotage against the West. In southern Africa, Russia’s approach was more focused on direct military support to liberation movements, assuming that military might would prevail against the conventional armies of the colonising nations. However, it struggled to adapt its classical warfare tactics to the guerrilla warfare strategies employed by these liberation movements. Interestingly, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, China played a significant role in advising ZANU/ZANLA to adopt Maoist principles. They encouraged the prioritisation of indoctrinating local rural populations before engaging militarily with the Rhodesian Security Forces. This was part of China’s broader strategy to influence revolutionary movements across Africa during that time. Before 1980, Rhodesia had aligned itself with Western powers, particularly the UK and the United States. However, post-independence, under Mugabe's leadership, Zimbabwe rapidly shifted its alignment towards the Eastern bloc. This shift helps to explain the significant changes in Zimbabwe’s economic, political, and social trajectory over the past 20 to 30 years. One wonders what global changes the next 50 years may bring. Predicting this from a Western perspective is practically impossible. However, from an Eastern perspective, it may be easier. This is because, while the West seems to be tossed thither and hither by the vagaries of public opinion, China’s approach seems more deliberate and long-sighted. In fact, reflecting on this, I am reminded of a quote from Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland : “ If you don’t know where you are going, any road will get you there .” Perhaps it is time for our Western leaders to figure out where we are going!

President Mnangagwa's legacy Greetings, fellow Zims, Rhodies, and Shamwaris, I recently came across an insightful article by Tafi Mhaka, a columnist with Al Jazeera . In the article, Mhaka highlights a significant shift occurring across Africa, noting:- " Young Africans from Kenya to Nigeria and from Uganda to Zimbabwe are taking a stand against corruption and inequality, demanding greater accountability from their leaders and advocating for inclusive, responsive, and transparent governance. They seek the advancement and protection of human rights and civil liberties, along with equitable access to decent employment, housing, and financial stability. " Mhaka’s article reflects the growing clamour across large parts of the continent for genuine democracy and improved governance. He observes that the current climate in sub-Saharan Africa is reminiscent of the Arab Spring  over a decade ago, when calls for democratic reforms and better governance spread from Tunisia across the Middle East, sparking significant protests and a regional democratic awakening. While Mhaka’s article might seem alarmist and sensational, it details numerous instances of poor governance and dire living conditions in many sub-Saharan countries. Zimbabwe is notably mentioned, including the recent arrest of opposition leader Jameson Timba and 78 other activists for holding an unauthorised political gathering. Mhaka also criticises President Emerson Mnangagwa's recent authoritarian warning against any form of "mischief" as Harare prepares to host the 44th Southern African Development Community ( SADC ) Heads of State and Government summit on August 17th. As President Mnangagwa prepares to assume the SADC chairmanship for the next year, it is understandable that he would want to showcase Zimbabwe’s progress under his leadership since November 2017. However, his efforts to obscure the deep-seated issues within the country by constructing a few highways and staging a superficial attempt to address the Gukurahundi   massacres of the early 1980s are unlikely to deceive discerning Zimbabweans or delegates to the SADC summit. That said, building highways and attempting to bring meaningful closure to the victims of the 5th Brigade killings in Matabeleland are worthwhile objectives. However, if President Mnangagwa believes these conveniently timed initiatives will positively recast his political legacy, he is sorely mistaken. If the President genuinely aspires to leave a meaningful legacy, he must address three critical areas: eradicating corruption and nepotism, upholding the rule of law at all levels, and allowing democratic principles to operate freely in Zimbabwe, without intimidation, arbitrary arrest, or detention. Yet, such changes are unlikely. Implementing them would threaten the current power structures, expose many in the ruling class to criminal investigation and potential imprisonment, and disrupt the lucrative and unmerited positions held by many of the ruling elite.

Greetings fellow Zims, Rhodies & Shamwaris I have recently finished reading John Padbury’s fascinating book titled The Battle for Hurungwe . Toward the end of the book, I was captivated by the following quote attributed to a lady called Barbara Abrahams:- “ When people can no longer call a land their own, when they are displaced from the place of their ancestors, and when they lose control of their destiny, they lose a part of their soul. Once the fragile link between people, their land and their ancestry is broken, they become a shadow roaming a land they no longer understand, beset by cultural conflicts and torn between material wealth and loyalty to tradition .” The drama and pain in these words are compelling. While I believe the writer was referring to the trauma felt by many white Zimbabweans who chose to leave the country around the time of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, her words are no doubt equally true, first  for the many Ndebele people who were politically disempowered and displaced during Robert Mugabe’s Gukurahundi campaign from 1982 to 1986, and second  for a far larger number of people of all tribes and colours who were forced to leave the country of their birth as a result of the gross mismanagement of the country’s economy and natural resources by the corrupt ZANU-PF government from the late 1980s. Collectively, all these people are today referred to as Zimbabwe’s diaspora. We all know persons who fall into this category. Some of us no doubt also know, either directly or indirectly, of the pain and sense of loss experienced by many of these ' scatterlings '. But that is not to say that these displaced folk no longer play an important part in Zimbabwe’s cultural and economic fabric. Nothing could be further from the truth. The economic contribution made by Zimbabwe’s diaspora is significant. According to the website of Zimbabwe’s embassy to the USA, in 2022, remittances by Zimbabwe’s diaspora amounted to US$1.66 billion, or 14% of the country’s total foreign earnings of US$11.57 billion that year. The tragedy, of course, is how much greater that contribution could have been if conditions in Zimbabwe had not forced so many people to live outside their home country. Promisingly, there are some small green shoots appearing in Zimbabwe which are encouraging some of the diaspora to consider returning to the country of their birth. We can only hope that these slender shoots will grow and flourish, thereby encouraging more displaced people to return to the country of their first love.

ZANU-PF, the current ruling party in Zimbabwe, will stay in power “ until donkeys grow horns .” This statement was recently made by the commander of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), Lieutenant General Anselem Sanyatwe. The Lieutenant General added that people “ would be marched ” to voting stations to cast ballots “ whether they liked it or not.”  He claimed to be speaking as the commander of the army and stated that the army would implement “ command voting ” policies. The arrogance and stupidity of the Lieutenant General are simply breathtaking. However, I suppose we should give him some leeway. After all, ever since ZANU-PF came to power in 1980, the army has been used as a wing of the corrupt ZANU-PF party. Additionally, tribal and racial discrimination within the ZNA have been rampant. The politicisation of the army began when the nascent ZNA was first formed shortly after independence in April 1980. This was accompanied by blatant tribalisation and discrimination. The net result was the rapid advancement of former ZANLA officers of Shona ethnicity, while ZIPRA officers of Ndebele ethnicity were invariably overlooked. The notorious red-bereted North Korean-trained 5th Brigade, which reported directly to Robert Mugabe, was comprised almost exclusively of Shona officers and troops. Between 1983 and 1986, Mugabe used it as a very blunt instrument to wreak death and havoc among Ndebeles living in Matabeleland and to weaken ZAPU as an effective opposition party. Buoyed by these political and military successes, and with little or no public outcry from major global powers, from 1986 Mugabe and his inner circle decided to use the prevailing climate within Zimbabwe to forever crush ZAPU as a political or military threat. This paved the way for Mugabe to achieve his ultimate political objective of establishing a one-party state in the country with him at the helm. The political and military narrative of Zimbabwe has continued in this vein since the mid-1980s. As evidenced by Lieutenant General Sanyatwe's recent comments, the narrative, some forty years later, remains much the same. But ZANU-PF is gravely mistaken if it believes it can continue in this manner much longer. The leadership of ZANU-PF only needs to look at its southern neighbour to see what happens when the governing party takes the electorate for granted. It also needs to understand that the average Zimbabwean voter is far more politically astute than they were forty years ago, and that the advent of social media means that the government no longer controls the airwaves nor the public narrative. By the way, the sequel to The Unravelling should be available in a couple of months time. It is called A Moment of Madness  and is set in Zimbabwe in the period 1980 to 1986. If you would like to be automatically notified when it is available, please subscribe to my blog page by clicking here .

We are excited to announce that the sequel to The Unravelling will soon be available. The new book is titled A Moment of Madness , a phrase once used by Mugabe to describe his government’s pernicious campaign of violence and terror against the Ndebele nation from 1983 to 1985. This campaign, which was known as the Gukurahundi, was spearheaded by the North Korean-trained 5th Brigade of Zimbabwe’s National Army. To the world’s shame, the brutality and injustice of the Gukurahundi campaign went largely unchallenged by the global community. This global silence emboldened Mugabe’s government to commit even greater acts of evil, corruption, and disregard for the rule of law, ultimately leading to the total implosion of Zimbabwean society and economy in 2007. We are all familiar with the quote, “All power corrupts, but absolute power corrupts absolutely.” In A Moment of Madness , readers will learn how Mugabe’s hold on power in Zimbabwe became absolute from around 1987 and how this absolute power led to the absolute depravity of his government from the late 1980s onward. As a prelude to the official launch of A Moment of Madness in a couple of months, I am offering a special promotion for The Unravelling . You can purchase the paperback format for A$34.61, incl GST, or the eBook format for A$7.50, incl GST. The book can be ordered online at Amazon. Links to the relevant Amazon stores can be found on my website – click here . Readers in Australia can also order a signed copy of the paperback directly from me at a special promotional price of $34.00 (including GST and postage). If you would like to take advantage of this special offer, please complete the order form by clicking here .

During the colonial years of Rhodesia, the population was neatly packaged into clearly defined primary groups: whites, blacks, and coloureds. Various secondary groupings also existed, typically based on tribal affiliation, country of birth, or religion. For no particular reason—apologies to Forrest Gump—I was recently reflecting on the incredibly colourful language and humour used by the coloured community. Two stories come to mind, but before I share these, for readers who may not be familiar with Rhodesian customs of that time, the term " coloured " was used to define anyone of mixed race. Yes, it was a very blunt definition, but from the 1950s to 1970s, little attempt was made to avoid offending anyone. If you happened to be different from any particular stereotype, you were going to be ridiculed. That was just the way it was! Anyway, back to the stories. There was an occasion during my time of national service when I was in charge of a military convoy traveling from the Chimanimani area back to Umtali (now Mutare). The convoy must have consisted of about a dozen vehicles of various shapes and sizes. I was in the second vehicle. We were in a particularly hazardous part of the journey when I received a radio message from the coloured driver of a vehicle near the rear of the column. I recall that he was a corporal. He requested me to halt the convoy. Annoyed at his stupidity, I asked him why. He replied that he needed to "put some sky in his rounds." I had no idea what he meant and asked him to explain. He then proceeded to tell me that one of the tyres on his vehicle was flat, and he needed to pump it up! Another story, which may have been more mythical than truthful, concerned the unit known as Guard Force. You will recall that many coloured personnel found their way into Guard Force. Now, before I continue with the story, I need to remind readers of a Canadian band that was popular in the mid-1970s called Bachman-Turner Overdrive. One of their hits was a song called "You Ain’t Seen Nothing Yet." Back to the story. Apparently, a chain of OPs (observation posts) had been set up in a particular part of the country. Part of the daily routine was for the commander to radio the various OPs towards the end of the day to get a sitrep (situation report). The standard response was “nothing to report.” However, the accepted radio protocol was to use the initials of the three words but say them using the NATO phonetic alphabet. So, the standard response was “November Tango Romeo.” On one particular day, one of the OPs was being manned by a Guard Force unit. When the leader of the unit gave his report, he said, “Bravo Tango Oscar.” Confused, the commander asked for clarification. Back came the response, “Bachman-Turner Overdrive.” Still confused, the commander asked for further clarification, to which came the response, “Ain’t seen nothing yet!”   There are, of course, many stories of their colourful language and slang terms. How about sharing some of your own?

I am pleased to advise that I have collaborated with Amazon Kindle to offer the eBook/Kindle format of The Unravelling  for free for a 48 hour period commencing midnight on Sunday 28th April (Pacific Day Light time). Corresponding local time zones for selected cities around the globe are shown in the table below. City Local Start Time Local End Time Local Start Date Local End Date Los Angeles Sun, Apr 28, 00:00 PDT Mon, Apr 29, 23:59 PDT Sun, Apr 28 Mon, Apr 29 New York Sun, Apr 28, 03:00 EDT Tue, Apr 30, 02:59 EDT Sun, Apr 28 Tue, Apr 30 London Sun, Apr 28, 08:00 BST Tue, Apr 30, 07:59 BST Sun, Apr 28 Tue, Apr 30 Paris Sun, Apr 28, 09:00 CEST Tue, Apr 30, 08:59 CEST Sun, Apr 28 Tue, Apr 30 Harare Sun, Apr 28, 09:00 CAT Tue, Apr 30, 08:59 CAT Sun, Apr 28 Tue, Apr 30 Jo'burg Sun, Apr 28, 09:00 SAST Tue, Apr 30, 08:59 SAST Sun, Apr 28 Tue, Apr 30 Perth Sun, Apr 28, 15:00 AWST Tue, Apr 30, 14:59 AWST Sun, Apr 28 Tue, Apr 30 Adelaide Sun, Apr 28, 04:30 PM ACST Tue, Apr 30, 04:29 PM ACST Sun, Apr 28 Tue, Apr 30 Sydney Sun, Apr 28, 05:00 PM AEST Tue, Apr 30, 04:59 PM AEST Sun, Apr 28 Tue, Apr 30 Auckland Sun, Apr 28, 07:00 PM NZST Tue, Apr 30, 06:59 PM NZST Sun, Apr 28 Tue, Apr 30 So, if you are wanting to get your hands on a free  eBook/Kindle copy of The Unravelling, you need to act soon . Links to all Amazon global stores are available on my website. Click here  to be taken to the relevant page. Choose the market place that applies to you, and then you can order your free eBook/Kindle copy. Please ensure sure that you order your copy within the specified time frames for your region as outlined above. Kindle eBooks are typically downloaded to your device within 30 seconds. Kindle Unlimited If you have a paid Kindle Unlimited subscription, please also note that The Unravelling  has been enrolled in the Kindle Unlimited program for 90 days commencing from 24th April. This means that if you have a Kindle Unlimited subscription, you can download the eBook/Kindle format of The Unravelling  free of charge until July 22. Happy Kindle reading!!

On April 18th, 1980, Zimbabwe celebrated a historic moment – the end of colonial and white minority rule, and the birth of an independent nation with a government elected by universal franchise. The independence celebrations were held at Rufaro Stadium in Harare (formerly Salisbury), where the Union Jack was lowered for the last time, marking the end of British colonial rule in Africa. In its place, the new Zimbabwean flag was hoisted, marking the birth of Africa’s 50th independent nation. The road to independence was fraught with struggle, including a fifteen-year period of ‘unrecognised’ independence declared by the white minority government, and the Rhodesian Bush War waged by the black population to break free from their colonial past. The war came to a rapid end following the ceasefire provisions of the Lancaster House Agreement, signed on 21st December 1979, by Britain and representatives of the major political parties in Zimbabwe including Bishop Abel Muzorewa, Ian Smith, Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo. After independence, Robert Mugabe of ZANU-PF was sworn in as Prime Minister, succeeding Bishop Abel Muzorewa, who had led the short-lived transitional government of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. The transfer of power stirred a range of emotions among different communities. For many whites, it brought feelings of grief, loss and betrayal, while for many blacks, it was a moment of hard-fought joy and liberation. However, the subsequent years of Zimbabwe's independence have been marked by significant challenges and dashed hopes for true democracy. In my book, The Unravelling , I chronicle the events of those turbulent days in an unbiased manner, weaving historical facts into a powerful narrative of love, wildlife conservation, heroic deeds, political intrigue, and guerrilla warfare. The story also sparks thought-provoking debates about what could or ought to have been done to avoid the excesses and wrongs both pre and post-1980. Watch the video below to learn more about The Unravelling : If you're interested in purchasing a copy of the book, in paperback or eBook format, please click here .

When I set out to write The Unravelling , I vaguely sensed the significance of attempting to articulate the tumultuous events of Rhodesia/Zimbabwe in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The reasons for this feeling escaped me initially, but the conviction was profound. Having now completed and self-published the book, I'm beginning to grasp the essence of why this project was important. I hope you don’t mind if I share my thoughts with you. Above all, the writing process has proven to be cathartic. Much like many who lived through that era, both black and white, we seldom allowed ourselves to truly explore and understand the array of emotions that accompanied those days. For the privileged whites, the events leading to the transfer of power in 1980 likely stirred up profound feelings of grief, loss, anger, and confusion. Rather than confronting these emotions, many of us may have merely locked them away, thereby delaying, not avoiding, post-traumatic stress syndrome (PTSD). Conversely, for those without power, the blacks, the signing of the Lancaster House Agreement in December 1979 and the subsequent one-man-one-vote general elections would have evoked positive emotions—jubilation, hope, and a lifting of despair. However, as hopes were later dashed, and enduring pain and despair became a reality, I expect the anguish you have experienced may have been greater than that felt by your white counterparts in 1980. The act of writing the book necessitated thorough research into the recorded history of those times. This research illuminated that the events etched in my memory were not mere accidents of history, but were, in fact products of history. My research also underscored how global powers can manipulate events in distant lands for their own selfish objectives, irrespective of the consequences for the citizens in those far-off places—a reality that has regrettably persisted into the 21st century. Moreover, the research revealed the extent of my often misguided and ill-informed views. In the moment, many of us were too busy or self-involved to question what was unfolding. The course of history could have been altered significantly if those with influence had the moral fortitude to challenge and transform prevailing social norms. Winston Churchill's famous quote, " History is written by victors ," holds especially true in a country that has undergone drastic changes since 1980. While ZANU-PF has the right to shape the narrative of the Rhodesian Bush War, that doesn't invalidate the perspectives of white Rhodesians or the views of the black Ndebeles. The stories of the vanquished remain valid, and if untold with candour, honesty, and gravity, history stands to lose. In crafting The Unravelling , I aimed for an even-handed portrayal of the historical events. However, acknowledging Prince Harry's reminder that all our psyches harbour some element of unconscious bias, I recognise that the book would have taken a different form if I were of Shona or Ndebele ethnicity.   As you know, The Unravelling  is historical fiction. As a work of fiction, I hope it transcends the mere recounting of historical facts. If it does, I trust that the fictional story will help readers better understand the complex and multi-dimensional history of those days. Lastly, let’s not forget that the white population in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe has always been a very small minority, a percentage likely further diminished since 1980. Those white persons who experienced the events of the late 1970s/early 1980s are aging. It is our responsibility to share our stories before they fade into oblivion.

On April 18th, 1980, Zimbabwe celebrated a historic moment – the end of colonial and white minority rule, and the birth of an independent nation with a government elected by universal franchise. The independence celebrations were held at Rufaro Stadium in Harare (formerly Salisbury), where the Union Jack was lowered for the last time, marking the end of British colonial rule in Africa. In its place, the new Zimbabwean flag was hoisted, marking the birth of Africa’s 50th independent nation. The road to independence was fraught with struggle, including a fifteen-year period of ‘unrecognised’ independence declared by the white minority government, and the Rhodesian Bush War waged by the black population to break free from their colonial past. The war came to a rapid end following the ceasefire provisions of the Lancaster House Agreement, signed on 21st December 1979, by Britain and representatives of the major political parties in Zimbabwe including Bishop Abel Muzorewa, Ian Smith, Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo. After independence, Robert Mugabe of ZANU-PF was sworn in as Prime Minister, succeeding Bishop Abel Muzorewa, who had led the short-lived transitional government of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. The transfer of power stirred a range of emotions among different communities. For many whites, it brought feelings of grief, loss and betrayal, while for many blacks, it was a moment of hard-fought joy and liberation. However, the subsequent years of Zimbabwe's independence have been marked by significant challenges and dashed hopes for true democracy. In my book, The Unravelling , I chronicle the events of those turbulent days in an unbiased manner, weaving historical facts into a powerful narrative of love, wildlife conservation, heroic deeds, political intrigue, and guerrilla warfare. The story also sparks thought-provoking debates about what could or ought to have been done to avoid the excesses and wrongs both pre and post-1980. Watch the video below to learn more about The Unravelling : If you're interested in purchasing a copy of the book, in paperback or eBook format, please click here .

Gukurahundi is a Shona word which roughly translates as ‘ the early rain that washes away the chaff before the spring rain’ . Last week’s blog titled “Who is Perrance Shiri?” certainly ignited a flurry of discussion. With nearly 2,500 views, it has stirred impassioned comments on social media, particularly on Facebook. While many can understand the Zimbabwean Government's deployment of the Zimbabwean National Army to quell armed ZIPRA dissidents in 1981 and 1982, questions arise as to why several thousand soldiers were mobilised against a couple of hundred dissidents. However, the inquiries and suspicions deepen when considering the deployment of the 5th Brigade in 1983 against unarmed Zimbabwean citizens, whose sole fault was being either Ndebele and/or supporters of ZAPU. The deployment of the 5th Brigade marked the beginning of the Gukurahundi campaign against the Ndebele nation. A mission that initially targeted armed ZIPRA dissidents quickly morphed into a full-scale assault on ZAPU and/or Ndebele citizens residing in Matabeleland and parts of Midlands. The Gukurahundi campaign persisted until the end of 1985. Some historians conclude that it was a strategic and deliberate political manoeuvre by Mugabe to eradicate ZAPU as a political entity, paving the way for establishing a one-party state with himself at the helm. Others have suggested that it was a genocidal campaign against the Ndebele nation. This prompts the question: Is it time for the Zimbabwean Government to convene a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (“TRC”), akin to the one established in South Africa after the end of apartheid? Such a commission would afford survivors the chance to share their experiences and find closure, while allowing perpetrators the opportunity to seek forgiveness and redemption. In September 1983, the Zimbabwean Government did convene a commission of inquiry, known as the Chihambakwe Commission of Inquiry, to investigate alleged massacres and address widespread international and domestic criticism. However, no official report was released, with the government citing concerns that publication might incite violence. In response to the government's silence, in 1997 two Zimbabwean human rights organizations, the Legal Resources Foundation and the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, produced a report titled " Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace ". This independent report aimed to break the state-sanctioned silence surrounding the events of the early 1980s. While the full report is extensive, there also exists an excellent summary report, a copy of which is available on my website – click here . Despite the Government's failure to publish the findings of the Chihambakwe Commission, Mugabe famously described the Gukurahundi campaign as “ A Moment of Madness .” However, even this characterisation falls short. How can one label a three-year-long, state-sanctioned campaign of violence and brutality against the Ndebele nation, resulting in the deaths of anywhere between 20,000 and 30,000 innocent civilians, as a mere moment  of madness? Although evidence suggests that the truth-telling process is crucial for healing individual and collective trauma, it is improbable that ZANU-PF will consent to such an inquiry, believing instead that with the passage of time, people will forget. If you would like to receive notifications of new blogs, if you have not yet done so please subscribe by completing the subscribe form on my website – click here .

Robert Mugabe’s 37-year rule over Zimbabwe was marred by a litany of despicable acts, two of the worst being the Gukurahundi massacre of innocent Ndebele citizens in the south of the country (1983 to 1986), and the illegal and brutal seizure of private commercial farms (2000 to 2008). In February 2024, I covered the Gukurahundi massacres in my blogs, so I won't repeat that material here. However, a recent article in the British Times on March 18th, 2024, reminded me of the farm seizures debacle. According to the article, Ben Freeth has recently completed a 2,000-kilometre trek on horseback from Harare, Zimbabwe to Windhoek, Namibia, to deliver a letter to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) bloc. The letter demands that the SADC bloc uphold the 2008 decision of the SADC tribunal, which found that Mugabe’s land reform program was racially motivated and illegal. Freeth is intimately familiar with Zimbabwe’s state-sponsored violence. In 2008, he, along with his parents-in-laws, Mike and Angela Campbell, were tied up on their farm by war veterans acting on behalf of former President Robert Mugabe. They were driven into the bush, beaten, and tortured. Freeth, who had built a house on his in-laws’ land and helped run one of the most successful mango exporting farms in the country, suffered a fractured skull as a result. The abduction and torture occurred just before the SADC Tribunal was due to hear a case brought by Mike Campbell, later joined by 77 other applicants, against the Republic of Zimbabwe. The case challenged the harassment, forced eviction of farmers, and seizure of farms instituted by Mugabe in 2000. In its unanimous decision on November 28th 2008, the Tribunal ordered Mugabe’s government to protect “possession, occupation, and ownership” of all the applicants’ farms, except for two who had already been forcibly evicted. The state was also ordered to pay compensation to the owners of the farms which had been illegally seized. Mugabe blatantly ignored the Tribunal’s ruling. Freeth, his family, including his children, and the Campbells, subsequently faced increasing harassment and threats as they continued to run their farm until their homes, and those of their farm workers, were burnt down by war veterans eight months later. Freeth’s home was burnt down on August 30th, 2009, with the Campbell’s home suffering the same fate two days later. The 2011 SADC Summit effectively disbanded the Tribunal by deciding not to reappoint the judges whose term of office was ending in 2010, nor replace those whose term of office would end in 2011. In August 2014, Mugabe, along with other heads of state, including former South African President Jacob Zuma, signed a new protocol limiting the Tribunal to only dealing with disputes between SADC states. SADC citizens were specifically prevented from accessing it to deal with human rights violations, such as those that had occurred in Zimbabwe. Mugabe’s refusal to abide by the Tribunal’s ruling, with Jacob Zuma as a willing ally, and Mugabe’s subsequent successful campaign to suspend the Tribunal at the SADC Summit in 2011, has led Freeth to embark on the nearly 2,000 kilometre journey to Windhoek, where the SADC Secretariat sits. In seeking to compel SADC to fully reinstate the powers of the Tribunal, Freeth says his journey is about seeking justice, and about protecting SADC’s 400 million southern African citizens, and their property. He is appalled by the fact that many African leaders believe and act as though they are above the law, and states that the Tribunal should have been a check on that. The tribunal’s first president had called it “ a house of justice for Africa ” that would set a standard for the rest of the continent. However, the Tribunal's subsequent reconfiguration means that it is no longer empowered to hear complaints by individual citizens about human rights violations by their governments. Freeth doubts that his letter to SADC authorities calling for the reinstatement of the Tribunal’s original powers will have much of an impact beyond the symbolic gesture of hand-delivering a letter after 65 gruelling days traveling by horseback, in high summer and drought. It should be noted that of the 4,500 white commercial farmers who were on their land in 2000 when Mugabe deployed his “war veterans” on his ill-advised ‘ land reform policy ’, only a handful are still on their premises. Moreover most of the farms that were seized were not given to the dispossessed, as Mugabe promised, but to his cronies. Many of the farms have subsequently been left lying fallow or have been poorly run, meaning that Zimbabwe, which was once the ‘ bread basket of Africa ’, can no longer feed her own people with about half of its 15 million people now in need of food aid. The illegal seizure of farms was not only devastating, and in some cases fatal, for the farm owners, their employees, and their extended families, but also created a tsunami of economic woe for the country that continues to this day. It also solidified a total breakdown in the rule of law and independence of the judiciary, leaving Zimbabwe’s governance structures in tatters. As former British Prime Minister David Cameron once said, “ A country without a strong independent judiciary is a dictatorship waiting to happen .” In levelling this criticism against ZANU-PF, I am not absolving the prior white minority governments of Rhodesia of criticism. As we know, in 20th century white-ruled Rhodesia, many thousands of rural tribespeople were forcibly removed from their ancestral lands with little or no compensation. The governments of the day attempted to vacuously justify these ventures on utilitarian grounds - that is to make way for large scale hydro-electric, irrigation and other agricultural ventures, totally ignoring the fact that the primary beneficiaries of these ventures were the captains of industries which, at that time, were all in white hands. Moreover, as my mother would say, two evils a virtue doth not make !! If you would like to automatically receive notifications of new blogs, if you have not yet done so please subscribe by completing the subscribe form on my website – click here . Route followed by Ben Freeth