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What do Donald Trump’s upcoming inauguration and Zimbabwe’s recent history have in common? Both are a study in bold declarations, deep divisions, deliberate lies and obfuscations, and the enduring complexity of power. While one stirs headlines, the other stirs the soul — sometimes in ways that are hard to swallow. As 2025 dawns, Zimbabwe finds itself at another crossroads. The national dialogue about accountability for the Gukurahundi atrocities has reignited, with calls for reparations gaining momentum. For a nation still healing, this is a step toward reckoning with its past — a journey that forms the heart of my latest book, A Moment of Madness . Set during the turbulent years following independence, the novel explores how power can corrupt and how truth, though often buried, eventually demands its day. If you're looking for a gripping read that pairs well with a glass of wine (or tea, for the abstainers among us), why not give it a try? Watch the promo video here: Promo Link . Let’s keep the conversation going — not just about books but about the stories that shape us all.

Choosing the title for a book is one of the most agonising decisions an author can face. A title must encapsulate the essence of the story while also capturing the reader’s interest. It should invite curiosity, provoke thought, and ideally linger in the reader’s mind long after they finish the book. For me, selecting A Moment of Madness  as the title to my book was no exception. The inspiration for the title came during research I carried out about six months before I finished writing the book. I came across this phrase when it was used by Robert Mugabe in the late 1980s when journalists questioned him about the Gukurahundi campaign. Mugabe dismissed the atrocities as “ a moment of madness .” This gross understatement struck me as an affront to the gravity of what had transpired in Zimbabwe during the early 1980s. The Gukurahundi  campaign, launched ostensibly to control armed dissidents, quickly devolved into a brutal, state-sponsored political campaign against the Ndebele nation. Its aim was clear — to annihilate ZAPU as a political force and ensure the Ndebele nation would never again emerge as a military power. This was part of Mugabe’s broader ambition to dismantle Zimbabwe’s fledgling democracy and establish a one-party state under his rule. The title of the book is both cynical and ironic. Far from being a mere moment of madness, the Gukurahundi  campaign spanned five years and was anything but a fleeting lapse of reason. It was a calculated and deliberate assault on political opposition, orchestrated with chilling precision. It is estimated that around 20,000 to 40,000 Ndebele were killed, while countless others were brutally beaten, raped, tortured, made homeless, or subjected to forced political re-education. Some commentators have in fact describe the campaign as a genocide . This campaign left deep scars on the Ndebele nation — scars that remain unhealed to this day. In September 1983, the Zimbabwean Government convened the Chihambakwe Commission of Inquiry to investigate these alleged massacres, responding to widespread international and domestic criticism. Yet, no official report was ever released, with the government citing concerns that publication might incite violence. In 1997, two Zimbabwean human rights organisations, the Legal Resources Foundation and the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace , produced a landmark report titled Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace.  This independent report aimed to counter the state-sanctioned silence surrounding the events of the early 1980s. A summary of this report is available on my website — click here . Despite the government’s refusal to fully account for its actions, Mugabe’s infamous dismissal of Gukurahundi  as “a moment of madness” persists. But how can a five-year-long, state-sponsored campaign of violence and brutality — resulting in the deaths of tens of thousands of innocent civilians — be described as a mere “moment”? In choosing this title, I sought to throw Mugabe’s words back at ZANU-PF. A Moment of Madness  is not an attempt to minimise the horrors of the campaign but to underscore the absurdity of trying to trivialise such a calculated atrocity. The title challenges readers to reflect on how language can be manipulated to distort history and evade accountability. But the title alone is not enough to convey the weight of this history. The cover of A Moment of Madness  was carefully designed to complement and reinforce the book’s themes. The stark colour palette of red, white, and grey was chosen for its symbolic resonance. Red evokes both the violence of the Gukurahundi campaign and the blood of its victims, while white suggests the erasure and silence surrounding these events. Grey, with its sombre tone, represents the moral ambiguity and lingering shadows of this dark chapter in Zimbabwe’s history. At the centre of the cover is an abstract silhouette of Mugabe, his profile rendered in grey against the white background. This image is deliberately minimalist yet evocative, drawing the viewer’s attention to the man whose leadership defined this troubled period in the country’s history. The visual simplicity belies the complexity of Mugabe’s role in the campaign — both as its orchestrator and as the individual who sought to trivialise its significance with the phrase “a moment of madness.” The tagline at the bottom of the cover further amplifies its message: “The dark shadows of Mugabe's 1983 Gukurahundi  campaign still persist — a moment of madness with lasting repercussions.” These words serve as both a summary of the book’s focus and a chilling reminder of the enduring impact of these events. The jagged, torn edge separating the red and white sections of the cover echoes the physical and emotional scars inflicted by the Gukurahundi campaign. It is a visual representation of division — between the government and its people, between history and accountability, and between truth and denial. The process of selecting a title often involves weighing options, consulting with peers, and second-guessing oneself. Authors strive for titles that resonate with readers and capture the spirit of their work. For me, once I encountered Mugabe’s quote, I instinctively knew it was the right title for the book. The cover design, brilliantly visualised and executed by my son, Simon, came later but was equally crucial in setting the tone for the book. Together, they encapsulate not only the theme of my narrative but also the bitter irony of the historical events it portrays. So, does the title of a book matter? Absolutely. A title is more than just a name — it is the gateway to the story within. Combined with a well-crafted cover, it carries meaning, sparks curiosity, and invites readers to delve deeper. For A Moment of Madness , the title and cover are not merely choices but statements. They reflect the tragic irony of history and serve as a stark reminder of the human cost of political ambition and tyranny. If you would like to view a promotional video on the book, click here . The link will open a video which is stored on my website.

Zimbabwe in 2050 Over the next 26 years, Zimbabwe's trajectory will be influenced by internal governance, socio-economic reforms, regional dynamics, and external powers such as China, Russia, and Western nations. The interplay of these factors will likely lead to distinct scenarios, shaping the nation's future in profoundly different ways. Optimistic Outlook for 2050 In this scenario, Zimbabwe will achieve significant progress through political reform, economic diversification, and sustainable development: Governance and Politics:  Democratic reforms dismantle authoritarian tendencies. Younger, reformist leaders emerge, fostering accountability and addressing corruption. Free and fair elections strengthen public trust. Economic Growth:  Zimbabwe becomes a regional agricultural hub, leveraging technology, fair land reforms, and investment. Mining thrives, particularly in critical minerals like lithium and platinum, as Zimbabwe balances resource extraction with environmental sustainability. Tourism flourishes, and digital innovation creates new industries. Infrastructure and Services:  Urban planning improves, resulting in smart, sustainable cities with robust housing, transportation, and energy systems. Renewables like solar and hydropower meet domestic energy demands, positioning Zimbabwe as an energy exporter. Health and education systems reach global standards, driving social mobility and equality. Geopolitical Role:  Zimbabwe becomes a regional leader in SADC, benefiting from enhanced trade and strategic partnerships. Active participation in global climate initiatives boosts resilience to environmental challenges. Social Trends:  A skilled, healthy, and empowered population drives growth. Inequality narrows, and youth unemployment declines as education aligns with job market needs. Pessimistic Outlook for 2050 In this scenario, entrenched challenges will remain unresolved, resulting in stagnation or decline: Governance and Politics:  ZANU-PF or similar structures maintain dominance, with governance characterised by corruption and authoritarianism. Public dissent is suppressed, leading to cycles of unrest. Economic Decline:  Mismanagement perpetuates hyperinflation, debt, and economic isolation. Agriculture and mining falter due to inadequate reforms and exploitation by foreign entities. Food insecurity and poverty deepen. Infrastructure Collapse:  Rapid urbanisation overwhelms infrastructure, creating overcrowded cities with insufficient services. Power shortages, poor sanitation, and decaying public facilities worsen. Geopolitical Marginalisation:  Zimbabwe remains a peripheral player in regional and global politics, failing to leverage opportunities for trade or climate action. Social Unrest:  Rising inequality and lack of opportunities drive emigration of skilled workers, leaving behind an economically weakened population. Most Likely Outlook for 2050 Zimbabwe's future is likely to fall between these extremes, with mixed progress: Governance and Politics:  Semi-authoritarian governance persists, with occasional reformist efforts. Progress is slow and uneven, with governance reforms frequently undermined by entrenched interests. Economic Growth with Constraints:  Modest recovery occurs in agriculture and mining, but structural issues and governance constraints hinder full potential. Informal employment remains widespread, though digital entrepreneurship grows. Infrastructure and Urbanisation:  Urban areas see selective improvements driven by foreign investment, while rural regions face neglect. Renewable energy adoption increases but is insufficient to meet growing demands. Geopolitical Role:  Zimbabwe becomes a functional SADC member without achieving full leadership. It engages in regional trade but lacks a decisive voice in international affairs. Social Trends:  Education and healthcare improve but remain unevenly distributed. A growing middle class emerges, but inequality persists, and youth unemployment remains a challenge. The Role of External Powers External actors like China, Russia, and the West will significantly influence Zimbabwe's development: China: Economic dominance in mining, energy, and infrastructure through its Belt and Road Initiative. Political support for the ruling elite, reinforcing semi-authoritarian systems. Risk of resource dependency if Zimbabwe fails to negotiate equitable terms. Russia: Continued investment in defence and mining, particularly in platinum and other critical minerals. Potential to deepen authoritarian structures through arms and security partnerships. Western Powers and the EU: Potential re-engagement with Zimbabwe if governance reforms occur. Conditional trade and aid agreements aimed at fostering political accountability and sustainable development. Regional Players: South Africa remains critical in trade and migration issues. SADC and neighbouring countries may exert pressure for political and economic stability. Emerging Powers: India, the UAE, and Middle Eastern countries could expand their roles, particularly in technology, renewable energy, and tourism. Key Challenges and Opportunities Climate Change:  Zimbabwe faces increasing droughts and floods, threatening agriculture and water resources. Investment in climate resilience and sustainable farming practices will be essential. Youth and Brain Drain:  Harnessing the potential of Zimbabwe’s youthful population is crucial. Reversing the brain drain through education and job creation could transform the economy. Resource Management:  Transparent governance in mining and agriculture could unlock economic potential while avoiding exploitation. Conclusion Zimbabwe’s future in 2050 will depend on how well it addresses governance issues, leverages its natural and human resources, and balances relationships with external powers. A balanced approach fostering reform, investment, and sustainability offers the best path to prosperity.

On April 18th, 1980, Zimbabwe celebrated a historic moment – the end of colonial and white minority rule, and the birth of an independent nation with a government elected by universal franchise. The independence celebrations were held at Rufaro Stadium in Harare (formerly Salisbury), where the Union Jack was lowered for the last time, marking the end of British colonial rule in Africa. In its place, the new Zimbabwean flag was hoisted, marking the birth of Africa’s 50th independent nation. The road to independence was fraught with struggle, including a fifteen-year period of ‘unrecognised’ independence declared by the white minority government, and the Rhodesian Bush War waged by the black population to break free from their colonial past. The war came to a rapid end following the ceasefire provisions of the Lancaster House Agreement, signed on 21st December 1979, by Britain and representatives of the major political parties in Zimbabwe including Bishop Abel Muzorewa, Ian Smith, Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo. After independence, Robert Mugabe of ZANU-PF was sworn in as Prime Minister, succeeding Bishop Abel Muzorewa, who had led the short-lived transitional government of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. The transfer of power stirred a range of emotions among different communities. For many whites, it brought feelings of grief, loss and betrayal, while for many blacks, it was a moment of hard-fought joy and liberation. However, the subsequent years of Zimbabwe's independence have been marked by significant challenges and dashed hopes for true democracy. In my book, The Unravelling , I chronicle the events of those turbulent days in an unbiased manner, weaving historical facts into a powerful narrative of love, wildlife conservation, heroic deeds, political intrigue, and guerrilla warfare. The story also sparks thought-provoking debates about what could or ought to have been done to avoid the excesses and wrongs both pre and post-1980. Watch the video below to learn more about The Unravelling : If you're interested in purchasing a copy of the book, in paperback or eBook format, please click here .

While researching for my two recent books, A Moment of Madness and The Unravelling , I uncovered a wealth of remarkable historical details. Some of these made their way into the books, but many others did not. This blog is an opportunity to share one such fascinating aspect which was omitted from both books. If I were to ask readers of this blog who they think was the most influential American figure in shaping U.S. policy toward Rhodesia's white minority government in the 1970s, most would likely answer Henry Kissinger without hesitation. But how many would name Andrew Jackson Young? ________________________________________ A Surprising Perspective In my research, I came across a compelling interview with Andrew Young, the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations under President Jimmy Carter, conducted by The Times of London. Young offered a striking perspective on Robert Mugabe, then a prominent nationalist leader: Interviewer: “Does Mr. Mugabe strike you as a violent man?” Young: “Not at all, he’s a very gentle man. In fact, one of the ironies of the whole struggle is that I can’t imagine Joshua Nkomo or Robert Mugabe ever pulling the trigger on a gun to kill anyone. I doubt that they ever have. … The violent people are Smith’s people, and hopefully they won’t be around for the new Zimbabwe.” In another moment, Young described Mugabe as intelligent, dedicated, and incorruptible: Young: “The only thing that frustrates me about Robert Mugabe is that he is so damned incorruptible. … The problem is he was educated by the Jesuits, and when you get the combination of a Jesuit and a Marxist kind of philosophy merging in one person, you’ve got a hell of a guy to deal with.” These comments reveal much about Young’s perspective on Rhodesian black nationalist leaders and his significant role in reshaping U.S. policy. ________________________________________ U.S. Policy in the 1970s: Kissinger’s Pragmatism and Young’s Moral Vision During the 1970s, the United States played a pivotal role in pressuring Rhodesia’s white minority government, led by Ian Smith, to accept majority rule. This effort evolved under two administrations, driven by key figures: Henry Kissinger, Andrew Young, and President Jimmy Carter. Their combined influence helped steer Rhodesia toward the eventual transition to Zimbabwe. ________________________________________ Henry Kissinger’s Cold War Strategy (1976) As Secretary of State under President Gerald Ford, Kissinger adopted a pragmatic, Cold War-focused approach to the Rhodesian crisis. Concerned about the Soviet Union’s growing influence in Southern Africa through its support of liberation movements, Kissinger sought to pre-empt further instability by advocating a controlled transition to majority rule. The Kissinger Plan : In 1976, Kissinger brokered a diplomatic initiative involving South African Prime Minister John Vorster, pressuring Ian Smith to accept the principle of one-man-one-vote . This phased plan proposed a Western-managed constitutional transition. Challenges : Despite securing Smith’s grudging acceptance, the Plan ultimately failed due to resistance from African nationalist leaders, who mistrusted Western mediation, and from hardliners within Smith’s government. ________________________________________ The Carter Administration’s Shift (1977–1980) The election of Jimmy Carter in 1976 marked a significant shift in U.S. foreign policy. Carter prioritised human rights and decolonisation, diverging from Kissinger’s realpolitik approach. Under his administration, Andrew Young became a pivotal figure in advancing these principles. Carter’s Leadership : The administration intensified support for U.N. sanctions against Rhodesia, further isolating Ian Smith’s government. Young’s Advocacy : As U.N. Ambassador, Young championed African liberation movements, vocally supporting leaders like Robert Mugabe (ZANU) and Joshua Nkomo (ZAPU). Unlike Kissinger, Young recognised these leaders as the legitimate representatives of Rhodesia’s black majority. Young’s moral stance framed Rhodesia’s racial policies as indefensible and emphasised the need for global support for decolonisation. He also lobbied South Africa to withdraw its backing for the Rhodesian regime, undermining Smith’s position. ________________________________________ Legacy and Reflection The contrasting approaches of Kissinger and Young reflect the complexity of U.S. foreign policy during the Rhodesian crisis. Kissinger’s pragmatic Cold War focus prioritised regional stability, while Young’s moral vision underscored the injustices of minority rule and highlighted the aspirations of African liberation leaders. Together, these efforts laid the groundwork for the Lancaster House negotiations of 1979 and Rhodesia’s eventual transition to Zimbabwe in 1980. ________________________________________ Fundamental Miscalculations in U.S. Policy While U.S. efforts succeeded in ending Rhodesia’s white minority rule, several miscalculations became apparent in Zimbabwe’s post-independence years: 1. Overestimating Mugabe’s Leadership : U.S. policymakers, including Andrew Young, portrayed Mugabe as incorruptible and committed to democratic principles. Mugabe’s authoritarian rule and economic mismanagement later proved otherwise. 2. Ignoring Tribal Divisions : The U.S. failed to fully grasp the ethnic tensions between Shona and Ndebele groups, which contributed to post-independence conflicts like Gukurahundi. 3. Neglecting Economic Transition : While focused on political liberation, U.S. policy offered little support for Zimbabwe’s economic restructuring, leaving the new government to grapple with land and wealth inequalities. 4. Limited Follow-Through : The U.S. did not sustain its support post-independence, allowing Zimbabwe’s fledgling democracy to falter without meaningful intervention. ________________________________________ A Final Thought One wonders how Zimbabwe’s history might have unfolded if Jimmy Carter had not won the 1976 U.S. presidential election. It is remarkable that the influence of one man, namely Andrew Jackson Young, was so profound. Would Kissinger’s gradualist approach have prolonged Rhodesia’s minority rule, or could it have fostered a more stable transition? While I doubt that white-minority rule would have endured under any scenario after 1980, it is possible that under a different American administration, Zimbabwe-Rhodesia’s Internal Settlement of 1979 could have garnered greater international support thereby providing a more inclusive path forward for Prime Minister Bishop Abel Muzorewa's government of national unity. Who knows? What is certain, however, is that few could have foreseen just how disastrously things would eventually turn out. We all weep for our beloved Zimbabwe. If you like to have a general look around my website, click here .

ZANU-PF, the current ruling party in Zimbabwe, will stay in power “ until donkeys grow horns .” This statement was recently made by the commander of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), Lieutenant General Anselem Sanyatwe. The Lieutenant General added that people “ would be marched ” to voting stations to cast ballots “ whether they liked it or not.”  He claimed to be speaking as the commander of the army and stated that the army would implement “ command voting ” policies. The arrogance and stupidity of the Lieutenant General are simply breathtaking. However, I suppose we should give him some leeway. After all, ever since ZANU-PF came to power in 1980, the army has been used as a wing of the corrupt ZANU-PF party. Additionally, tribal and racial discrimination within the ZNA have been rampant. The politicisation of the army began when the nascent ZNA was first formed shortly after independence in April 1980. This was accompanied by blatant tribalisation and discrimination. The net result was the rapid advancement of former ZANLA officers of Shona ethnicity, while ZIPRA officers of Ndebele ethnicity were invariably overlooked. The notorious red-bereted North Korean-trained 5th Brigade, which reported directly to Robert Mugabe, was comprised almost exclusively of Shona officers and troops. Between 1983 and 1986, Mugabe used it as a very blunt instrument to wreak death and havoc among Ndebeles living in Matabeleland and to weaken ZAPU as an effective opposition party. Buoyed by these political and military successes, and with little or no public outcry from major global powers, from 1986 Mugabe and his inner circle decided to use the prevailing climate within Zimbabwe to forever crush ZAPU as a political or military threat. This paved the way for Mugabe to achieve his ultimate political objective of establishing a one-party state in the country with him at the helm. The political and military narrative of Zimbabwe has continued in this vein since the mid-1980s. As evidenced by Lieutenant General Sanyatwe's recent comments, the narrative, some forty years later, remains much the same. But ZANU-PF is gravely mistaken if it believes it can continue in this manner much longer. The leadership of ZANU-PF only needs to look at its southern neighbour to see what happens when the governing party takes the electorate for granted. It also needs to understand that the average Zimbabwean voter is far more politically astute than they were forty years ago, and that the advent of social media means that the government no longer controls the airwaves nor the public narrative. By the way, the sequel to The Unravelling should be available in a couple of months time. It is called A Moment of Madness  and is set in Zimbabwe in the period 1980 to 1986. If you would like to be automatically notified when it is available, please subscribe to my blog page by clicking here . Lieutenant General Anselem Sanyatwe

Gukurahundi is a Shona word which roughly translates as ‘ the early rain that washes away the chaff before the spring rain’ . Last week’s blog titled “Who is Perrance Shiri?” certainly ignited a flurry of discussion. With nearly 2,500 views, it has stirred impassioned comments on social media, particularly on Facebook. While many can understand the Zimbabwean Government's deployment of the Zimbabwean National Army to quell armed ZIPRA dissidents in 1981 and 1982, questions arise as to why several thousand soldiers were mobilised against a couple of hundred dissidents. However, the inquiries and suspicions deepen when considering the deployment of the 5th Brigade in 1983 against unarmed Zimbabwean citizens, whose sole fault was being either Ndebele and/or supporters of ZAPU. The deployment of the 5th Brigade marked the beginning of the Gukurahundi campaign against the Ndebele nation. A mission that initially targeted armed ZIPRA dissidents quickly morphed into a full-scale assault on ZAPU and/or Ndebele citizens residing in Matabeleland and parts of Midlands. The Gukurahundi campaign persisted until the end of 1985. Some historians conclude that it was a strategic and deliberate political manoeuvre by Mugabe to eradicate ZAPU as a political entity, paving the way for establishing a one-party state with himself at the helm. Others have suggested that it was a genocidal campaign against the Ndebele nation. This prompts the question: Is it time for the Zimbabwean Government to convene a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (“TRC”), akin to the one established in South Africa after the end of apartheid? Such a commission would afford survivors the chance to share their experiences and find closure, while allowing perpetrators the opportunity to seek forgiveness and redemption. In September 1983, the Zimbabwean Government did convene a commission of inquiry, known as the Chihambakwe Commission of Inquiry, to investigate alleged massacres and address widespread international and domestic criticism. However, no official report was released, with the government citing concerns that publication might incite violence. In response to the government's silence, in 1997 two Zimbabwean human rights organizations, the Legal Resources Foundation and the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, produced a report titled " Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace ". This independent report aimed to break the state-sanctioned silence surrounding the events of the early 1980s. While the full report is extensive, there also exists an excellent summary report, a copy of which is available on my website – click here . Despite the Government's failure to publish the findings of the Chihambakwe Commission, Mugabe famously described the Gukurahundi campaign as “ A Moment of Madness .” However, even this characterisation falls short. How can one label a three-year-long, state-sanctioned campaign of violence and brutality against the Ndebele nation, resulting in the deaths of anywhere between 20,000 and 30,000 innocent civilians, as a mere moment  of madness? Although evidence suggests that the truth-telling process is crucial for healing individual and collective trauma, it is improbable that ZANU-PF will consent to such an inquiry, believing instead that with the passage of time, people will forget. If you would like to receive notifications of new blogs, if you have not yet done so please subscribe by completing the subscribe form on my website – click here .

Greetings, fellow Zims, Rhodies, and Shamwaris, In today’s edition (8th September 2024) of Adelaide’s Sunday Mail, an article titled “ Xi Has a New Plan to Rule Africa ” caught my attention. The opening paragraphs read: “ President Xi Jinping has committed Aus$75 billion to woo African nations into his Global South alliance to challenge the United States and the West. At his summit that ended in Beijing yesterday, he announced new funding for African nations following backlash against his previous Belt and Road initiative loans. African leaders also signed up for a series of soft power initiatives, from journalism training to joint military exercises, to promote China’s political and economic model as an alternative to democracy .” For those of us who have followed developments in Zimbabwe over the past fifty years, this is hardly surprising. China’s interest in Zimbabwe has always been driven by self-interest rather than genuine concern for Zimbabwe’s citizens. In the 1970s and 1980s, China, led first by Mao Zedong and then by Deng Xiaoping, shaped its strategic ambitions in southern Africa through long-term planning. At that time, China was emerging as a global power, focusing on leveraging its economic influence to shape the internal policies of selected southern African countries, including Zimbabwe. Through strategic trade and economic engagements, China sought to establish a foothold and influence domestic affairs in various African nations. This included providing credit facilities to financially overextended African nations, ensuring their economic dependence on China. In contrast, Russia, a Cold War superpower, was deeply involved in espionage and sabotage against the West. In southern Africa, Russia’s approach was more focused on direct military support to liberation movements, assuming that military might would prevail against the conventional armies of the colonising nations. However, it struggled to adapt its classical warfare tactics to the guerrilla warfare strategies employed by these liberation movements. Interestingly, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, China played a significant role in advising ZANU/ZANLA to adopt Maoist principles. They encouraged the prioritisation of indoctrinating local rural populations before engaging militarily with the Rhodesian Security Forces. This was part of China’s broader strategy to influence revolutionary movements across Africa during that time. Before 1980, Rhodesia had aligned itself with Western powers, particularly the UK and the United States. However, post-independence, under Mugabe's leadership, Zimbabwe rapidly shifted its alignment towards the Eastern bloc. This shift helps to explain the significant changes in Zimbabwe’s economic, political, and social trajectory over the past 20 to 30 years. One wonders what global changes the next 50 years may bring. Predicting this from a Western perspective is practically impossible. However, from an Eastern perspective, it may be easier. This is because, while the West seems to be tossed thither and hither by the vagaries of public opinion, China’s approach seems more deliberate and long-sighted. In fact, reflecting on this, I am reminded of a quote from Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland : “ If you don’t know where you are going, any road will get you there .” Perhaps it is time for our Western leaders to figure out where we are going!

I am very pleased to advise that my latest book, A Moment of Madness , is now available for purchase on Amazon. Paperback and eBook formats are available. A Moment of Madness is the sequel to my first book, The Unravelling , which was published last year. The video below will tell you more about the book. Please take the opportunity to view it – it is under 3 minutes long. For those of you who would prefer to simply read what the book is about, very brief details are shown below:- Experience the dramatic shift from Ian Smith’s Rhodesia to Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe in this gripping sequel to The Unravelling. Set between 1980 and 1986, A Moment of Madness explores the profound impact of Mugabe’s quest for power, focusing on the devastating Gukurahundi campaign and the rise of a one-party dictatorship. The novel continues the story of Nick and Rachel, now living and working in the UK. They struggle to balance their new life in the UK with their connections to Zimbabwe, where political chaos, including Gukurahundi killings and CIO executions, touch them deeply. When Nick uncovers disheartening revelations about the British government’s stance on Zimbabwe, he must confront the stark truth about his role and his family’s future. A Moment of Madness powerfully portrays a nation in upheaval and the personal sacrifices made in the quest for justice and stability. Click here to go straight to the Where To Buy page for A Moment of Madness page on my website. If you like to have a general look around my website, click here . If you would like to buy a copy of The Unravelling, navigate to the Where to Buy page, and then use the drop down menu to select The Unravelling.

As a valued subscriber to my blog, I’d like to share an exclusive preview of the cover of my latest book, A Moment of Madness . The publishing delay has mainly been due to finalising the cover, but now that it’s complete, the book will be available for online purchase very soon. As a blog subscriber, you’ll automatically receive a notification when the book is ready. If you know others who may be interested in subscribing, please direct them to the blog subscription form on my website – click here . Please feel free to comment on the cover.

Some of you may know that the sequel to my first novel, The Unravelling , is set to be published by the end of November 2024. The sequel is titled A Moment of Madness . It took me quite some time to settle on a name for the sequel — in fact, I’d written at least half the book before deciding on one. I thought you may be interested in learning how that name came into being. One of the book’s central plots explores the Gukurahundi campaign — Mugabe’s five-year mission, led by the infamous North Korean-trained 5th Brigade, supposedly aimed at eliminating armed Ndebele dissidents. However, this campaign quickly escalated beyond targeting actual dissidents to systematically terrorising innocent Ndebele citizens in Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands, especially those supporting ZAPU, the main opposition party to Mugabe’s ZANU-PF. Widely regarded as a genocidal operation, the campaign resulted in the deaths of an estimated 20,000 to 30,000 Ndebeles. In my research for the book, I was surprised to find a quote in which Mugabe described the campaign as a moment of madness . Yet, this fleeting reflection does not in any way absolve him of culpability. As the campaign’s architect, Mugabe ordered the 5th Brigade’s training and deployment against the Ndebele and allowed the brutal campaign to continue unchecked for five long years, despite countless reports of unwarranted atrocities against innocent Zimbabwean citizens. And what drove his moment of madness? Simply put — Mugabe’s relentless pursuit of absolute power in Zimbabwe required him eliminating ZAPU as both a political and military threat. If you’d like to learn more about the book, you can find more information on the relevant page of my website – https://www.authormichaelchalk.com/published-books-a-moment-of-madness . While on the website, feel free to explore further. If using a PC, navigate using the drop-down menu items at the top of each page. If on a phone or tablet, use the three horizontal lines at the top right of each screen. Release dates and promotional material, including videos, will be published on my website over the coming month. If you’d like to be notified of updates automatically, please subscribe to my blog page – https://www.authormichaelchalk.com/blog

In my recent research journey delving into the sequel to "The Unravelling," I stumbled upon a name that piqued my curiosity – Perrance Shiri. His name, strikingly unique, led me down a path of discovery about a notorious figure whose roots are intertwined intimately with the political dynasty of Zimbabwe. Notably, he was a distant relative of Robert Mugabe, a familial tie that likely contributed to the implicit trust Mugabe vested in him. This relationship sheds light on Shiri's rapid ascent through the ranks, as Mugabe often relied on him for strategic counsel and execution. Born in 1955 as Bigboy Samson Chikerema, he emerged as a prominent figure during the Rhodesian Bush War, serving as a field commander with ZANLA, a guerrilla force aligned with Robert Mugabe's faction. His role extended to senior military instruction at the ZANLA/ZIPRA training camp in Morogoro, Tanzania. The turning point in Shiri's legacy came in 1983, after the country's independence in 1980, when Mugabe appointed him as the inaugural commander of the infamous Fifth Brigade. This brigade, a product of a covert agreement between Mugabe and North Korean leader Kim Il Sung, was designed not for conventional warfare but as a tool for suppressing political dissent. Shiri's leadership marked the beginning of a dark chapter known as the Gukurahundi campaign, a brutal crackdown on perceived dissidents, particularly targeting the Ndebele population. The campaign, veiled in euphemism and 'spin', resulted in the loss of thousands of lives and has been characterized as genocide. Shiri's tenure as commander of the Fifth Brigade earned him a reputation for ruthless brutality, earning him the moniker "Black Jesus" for his perceived authority over life and death. Despite the atrocities committed under his command, including multiple allegations of murder, rape and torture, Shiri's career trajectory continued, shifting to the role of commander of the Air Force of Zimbabwe and later overseeing Zimbabwean troops during the Second Congo War. His involvement in orchestrating farm invasions, military assaults against illegal diamond miners in the east of Zimbabwe, and alleged participation in coup plots further cemented his controversial legacy. Despite his proximity to Mugabe and the trust bestowed upon him, Shiri's ambitions transcended mere loyalty. This became apparent in 2017 when he played a pivotal role in the Zimbabwean coup d'état that ousted Mugabe from power. In the twilight of his career, Shiri assumed the role of Minister of Agriculture under President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Yet, his journey came to an unexpected end with his passing on July 29, 2020, succumbing to complications from COVID-19. In summary, Perrance Shiri's life encapsulates the complexities of Zimbabwean history – from guerrilla warfare to political manoeuvring, from brutal repression to moments of transformation. His story, though fraught with controversy, remains an integral part of understanding the nation's turbulent past and uncertain future.