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Amidst the myriad of challenges facing Zimbabwe, a tale of inspiration emerges from the life of John Randal Bradburne, a figure potentially on the path to becoming Zimbabwe’s first locally recognised saint. John Bradburne, born in the UK in 1921, arrived relatively late to the land of Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe. Educated at Gresham’s private school in Holt, Norfolk (incidentally, also attended by my younger brother, Peter, for a few years), Bradburne’s life was profoundly influenced by his strong Catholic faith. During World War II, Bradburne volunteered for the Indian Army, serving with the 9th Gurka Rifles in British Malaya. After the fall of Singapore in 1942, he spent a month hiding in the jungle before trying to sail to Sumatra. He was shipwrecked on the first attempt but was successful on the second and was eventually rescued by a Royal Navy destroyer. His post-war years in England were marked by a deepening commitment to his Catholic beliefs and, in 1956, he joined the Secular Franciscan Order, remaining a layman. In the late 1960s, Bradburne accepted an invitation to come to Rhodesia as a missionary helper. There, in 1969, he founded the Mutemwa Leprosy Settlement near Mutoko, a community of leprosy patients abandoned by others. Despite being expelled from the colony due to a dispute with the Leprosy Association, Bradburne continued to minister to the lepers, residing in a tin hut just outside the perimeter fence for the last six years of his life. As the Rhodesian Bush War was reaching its climax in July 1979, friends urged Bradburne to return to England. However, he chose to remain with the lepers. Accused by local informers, or mujibhas, of being a spy for the Rhodesian Security Forces, he was handed over to ZANLA guerrillas, who convened a kangaroo court to try him. Surprisingly, at the trial he was found not guilty due to the advocacy of the lepers and was offered refuge by the ZANLA guerrillas in Mozambique. He refused and instead asked to be returned to the Mutemwa Leprosy Mission. On his return trip to the Leprosy Mission, he was re-apprehended by the mujibhas and two other ZANLA guerrillas, who ultimately shot and killed him on 5th September 1979. Bradburne's legacy extends beyond his humanitarian work. A prolific poet, he left behind a staggering 6,000 poems, earning a place in the Guinness World Records for the most prolific poet in English in terms of lines of poetry. His output was almost double that of William Shakespeare!! In July 2001, a petition for Bradburne's canonisation was presented to Archbishop Patrick Fani Chakaipa of Harare. The canonisation process is long and robust. Many years later, on 1st July 2019, Bradburne's cause for beatification was formally recognised by the Congregation for the Causes of Saints in Rome, marking the completion of the initial stages of the canonisation process. The subsequent stages of beatification and canonisation require evidence of miracles. In Bradburne's case, several extraordinary events have been reported which should help his cause for beatification being successfully completed. Firstly , eyewitnesses to his slain body have described his body being surrounded by beams of light, protected by a large white bird, and being chorused to by an invisible choir. Secondly , at his funeral which took place at the Cathedral in Salisbury five days after his death, his coffin was adorned with three white flowers, symbolising John’s profound belief in the triune Holy Trinity. During the funeral, three drops of fresh and bright blood, were observed to have fallen from the coffin to form a pool of blood on the floor. The blood was examined and found to be fresh and so could not have come from a corpse which was 5 days old. After the funeral, the coffin and body were returned to the mortuary and examined. No sign of blood on the coffin or on the body could be found. These purported miracles should help progress John’s cause to successful beatification and canonisation. Annual memorial services at Mutemwa attract up to 25,000 people, reflecting the enduring reverence for Bradburne. Special ceremonies marking the 30th and 40th anniversaries of his death were held in London and Mutemwa, respectively, further strengthening the movement to seek his beatification. In the midst of Zimbabwe's challenges, the story of John Randal Bradburne shines as a beacon of hope and inspiration, reminding us of the power of faith and selfless service.

In my recent research journey delving into the sequel to "The Unravelling," I stumbled upon a name that piqued my curiosity – Perrance Shiri. His name, strikingly unique, led me down a path of discovery about a notorious figure whose roots are intertwined intimately with the political dynasty of Zimbabwe. Notably, he was a cousin of Robert Mugabe, a familial tie that likely contributed to the implicit trust Mugabe vested in him. This close relationship sheds light on Shiri's rapid ascent through the ranks, as Mugabe often relied on him for strategic counsel and execution. Born in 1955 as Bigboy Samson Chikerema, he emerged as a prominent figure during the Rhodesian Bush War, serving as a field commander with ZANLA, a guerrilla force aligned with Robert Mugabe's faction. His role extended to senior military instruction at the ZANLA/ZIPRA training camp in Morogoro, Tanzania. The turning point in Shiri's legacy came in 1983 when Mugabe appointed him as the inaugural commander of the infamous Fifth Brigade. This brigade, a product of a covert agreement between Mugabe and North Korean leader Kim Il Sung, was designed not for conventional warfare but as a tool for suppressing political dissent. Shiri's leadership marked the beginning of a dark chapter known as the Gukurahundi campaign, a brutal crackdown on perceived dissidents, particularly targeting the Ndebele population. The campaign, veiled in euphemism and 'spin', resulted in the loss of thousands of lives and has been characterized as genocide. Shiri's tenure as commander of the Fifth Brigade earned him a reputation for ruthless brutality, earning him the moniker "Black Jesus" for his perceived authority over life and death. Despite the atrocities committed under his command, including multiple allegations of murder, rape and torture, Shiri's career trajectory continued, shifting to the role of commander of the Air Force of Zimbabwe and later overseeing Zimbabwean troops during the Second Congo War. His involvement in orchestrating farm invasions, military assaults against illegal diamond miners in the east of Zimbabwe, and alleged participation in coup plots further cemented his controversial legacy. Despite his proximity to Mugabe and the trust bestowed upon him, Shiri's ambitions transcended mere loyalty. This became apparent in 2017 when he played a pivotal role in the Zimbabwean coup d'état that ousted Mugabe from power. In the twilight of his career, Shiri assumed the role of Minister of Agriculture under President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Yet, his journey came to an unexpected end with his passing on July 29, 2020, succumbing to complications from COVID-19. In summary, Perrance Shiri's life encapsulates the complexities of Zimbabwean history – from guerrilla warfare to political manoeuvring, from brutal repression to moments of transformation. His story, though fraught with controversy, remains an integral part of understanding the nation's turbulent past and uncertain future.

I am sure all those who lived in Zimbabwe between 2005 and 2010 have recurring nightmares about the rampant hyperinflation of those days. At its peak, hyperinflation in Zimbabwe eclipsed anything seen globally in the last 200 years. In 2008, the RBZ announced the demonetisation of the Zimbabwean dollar, converting all bank accounts to US dollars at a rate of Z$1,000,000,000,000 to US$1.00. This rendered the Zimbabwean dollar worthless, as hyperinflation had reached such high levels that the largest denomination of the currency, the Z$100 trillion banknote, couldn't even buy a small bag of groceries! The photograph at the end of this post depicts this low point in the country’s economic history far better than any words can. The banknotes in the left-hand column show the Rh$ banknotes in circulation as at 30 June 1980, while the banknotes in the right-hand column show the Zim$ banknotes in circulation as at 30 June 2008. The Zim$ remained demonetised until June 2019 when it was reintroduced by the Zimbabwean Government. At this time, the official exchange rate was Zim$1.00 equalled US$1.00. Since then, the Zim$ has rapidly decreased in value. As of January 2024, the official exchange rate was US$1.00 equals Zim$6,100. However, even this shocking rate is artificial as the RBZ deliberately starves the financial markets of US dollars. This has resulted in increasing the street exchange rate of US$1.00 being equal to Zim$11,500! It took Robert Mugabe’s Government 21 years for Zim$1.00 to fall from its value of US$1.40 in 1980 to a value of less than US$0.01 in 2001. It has taken Emmerson Mnangagwa’s Government 5 years for the relaunched Zim$1.00 to fall from its value of US$1.00 in 2019 to its current value of less than US$0.01!! From an inflation point of view, the Zim Government claims the annual inflation rate is around 26.5%. However, respected economists are suggesting the real rate is in the hundreds of per cent. It is hard to imagine how the ordinary Zimbabwean, working on a modest salary, is managing to survive in the midst of this surging inflation. Businesses, too, will be buckling at the knees. As for the hundreds of thousands of unemployed persons, they have simply given up all hope.

The historical trajectory of Rhodesia, spanning the period from the unilateral declaration of independence by the RF Government under Ian Smith in November 1965 to its legal independence as Zimbabwe in April 1980, has been punctuated by severe economic challenges, widespread corruption, a breakdown in law and order, and the emergence of an autocratic regime. As we reflect on the period from 1965 to 2024, it's undeniable that the country has clearly slid ever deeper into an abyss of misery and turmoil. The question I have been contemplating is whether a different course would have been charted had the RF Government, in 1965, pursued an amicable settlement with the UK rather than opting for unilateral independence. Here are some hypothetical observations on what might have transpired in such a scenario: Avoidance of Widespread Insurrection : With the country remaining under the ultimate control of the UK, it's plausible that the black nationalist movement might not have engaged in widespread insurrection and guerrilla warfare. Pressure for Independence Through Diplomacy : The black nationalist movement, alongside the OAU and the UN, would have intensified diplomatic efforts to compel Britain to hold the RF accountable and ensure the bestowal of some form of independence. Avoidance of Rhodesian Bush War: The 13-year Rhodesian Bush War and the consequent loss of many thousands of lives might not have occurred. Sparing of sanctions:  The country would have been spared from nearly 15 years of international sanctions. Ironically this would have slowed the diversification of the country’s economy. Civil Disobedience Instead of Civil War:  Rather than a civil war, a period of civil disobedience would have unfolded as black nationalist parties sought to pressure the RF Government into an independence agreement with the UK. Adherence to NIBMAR Principle:  Britain would have stuck to its principle of "no independence before majority rule" (NIBMAR). Earlier Independence Agreement:  It's conceivable that an agreement with Britain could have been reached by 1970, potentially with less draconian terms than those negotiated at Lancaster House in 1979. Different Political Landscape in 1970:  Assuming an earlier agreement, the 1970 general election might have seen Joshua Nkomo's ZAPU party performing better than it did in 1980. Conversely, ZANU, possibly led by someone other than Mugabe, might not have achieved its landslide victory of 1980. Sustained UK Influence:  Post-independence, the UK would likely have retained more influence in the country compared to the situation after 1980, with reduced influence from Russia and China. On balance, it seems plausible that, in the hypothetical scenario of the RF Government shunning UDI, the country might have experienced a more favourable outcome than it did post-UDI. Your thoughts on these speculations are welcomed.

I don't know about you, but to my mind, southern Africa is an enigma. This part of the world is full of amazing people, is rich in natural resources, including incredible wildlife, and abounds in wonderful landscapes. However, and despite the fact that most southern African countries bid farewell to their colonial masters more than four decades ago, most countries in this part of the world seem to be incapable of realising their wonderful potential. In fact, post their respective colonial eras, many of them seem to have regressed and show little signs of being able to move forward. Why is this? I hope this forum will help us explore these issues together and perhaps identify some realistic solutions that might bring some measure of hope to the local communities' seemingly endless season of hardship and despair.